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<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/1</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-1.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kyiv, Ukraine, august 2023. At the start of the Russian invasion, Artem, 22 years old, packed a couple of things into a small backpack, grabbed his skateboard and left Kiev for a while, joining the flood of displaced people who were then making their way to the west of the country. In the midst of chaos and anguish, skateboarding became an escape, a skylight to freedom, in which Artem took refuge. By continuing to skateboard every day, he has vowed not to let the Russians take over his life, depriving him of âhis best yearsâ, his adolescence. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap)                       Ukraine, Kiev, aout 2023.  Au dÃ©but de l&#039;invasion russe, Artem, 22 ans, a mis quelques affaires dans un petit sac Ã  dos, a pris son skateboard et a quittÃ© Kiev pendant un certain temps, rejoignant le flot de personnes dÃ©placÃ©es qui se dirigeaient alors vers l&#039;ouest du pays. Au milieu du chaos et de l&#039;angoisse, le skateboard est devenu une Ã©chappatoire, une lucarne vers la libertÃ©, dans laquelle Artem s&#039;est rÃ©fugiÃ©. En continuant Ã  faire du skateboard tous les jours, il s&#039;est jurÃ© de ne pas laisser les Russes prendre le contrÃ´le de sa vie, le privant de &quot;ses meilleures annÃ©es&quot;, son adolescence. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/2</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/TEXTESKATE2026SITEWEB-2.jpg</image:loc><image:title>TEXTESKATE2026SITEWEB-2</image:title></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/3</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/TEXTESKATE2026SITEWEB.jpg</image:loc><image:title>TEXTESKATE2026SITEWEB</image:title></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/4</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-2.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kyiv, Ukraine, July 2023. Small groups of skateboarders form on Kyiv&#039;s Opera Square. Some - the youngest - have just returned from Europe, where they fled to escape the Russian invasion. For others, those forced to stay in Ukraine despite the war, returning to skateboarding is a relief. âWhen the Russians withdrew from around Kyiv, it took us a while to get out on the street to skate. The sound of our boards was reminiscent of gunfire. But after a while, it became vital,â adds Aleksandr, 24. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap)                              Kiev, Ukraine, juillet 2023. De petits groupes de skateurs se forment sur la place de l&#039;OpÃ©ra de Kiev. Certains - les plus jeunes - reviennent tout juste d&#039;Europe, oÃ¹ ils se sont rÃ©fugiÃ©s pour Ã©chapper Ã  l&#039;invasion russe. Pour d&#039;autres, ceux qui ont Ã©tÃ© contraints de rester en Ukraine malgrÃ© la guerre, le retour au skateboard est un soulagement. &quot;Lorsque les Russes se sont retirÃ©s des environs de Kiev, il nous a fallu un certain temps pour sortir dans la rue et faire du skate. Le son de nos planches faisait penser Ã  des coups de feu, et les personnes nous regardaient d&#039;un mauvais Åil. Mais au bout d&#039;un moment, c&#039;est devenu vital&quot;, ajoute Aleksandr, 24 ans.  Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/5</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-4.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kyiv, Ukraine, August 2023. All day long, they climb fences together, cross private property and scour idle building sites in search of new spots for urban skateboarding. âExploring also means we don&#039;t have to go round in circles, so we don&#039;t feel too confined or oppressed. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                           Kiev, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. Toute la journÃ©e, ils escaladent ensemble des clÃ´tures, traversent des propriÃ©tÃ©s privÃ©es et parcourent des chantiers dÃ©saffectÃ©s Ã  la recherche de nouveaux spots pour le skateboard urbain. &quot;L&#039;exploration nous permet aussi de ne pas tourner en rond et de ne pas nous sentir trop confinÃ©s ou oppressÃ©s. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/6</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-3.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Izioum, Ukraine, August 2023. For young Ukrainian skateboarders, daily life has changed dramatically since the start of the war. Many have seen their studies come to an abrupt halt, particularly with the destruction of school infrastructure, as seen here in the gymnasium of one of the high schools in the town of Izioum, where several of the town&#039;s skateboarders were studying, and which is now ravaged by fighting. Without school, skateboarding has become the link, the thread that enables them to maintain and enrich their adolescent social fabric. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                          Izioum, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. Pour les jeunes skateurs ukrainiens, la vie quotidienne a radicalement changÃ© depuis le dÃ©but de la guerre. Beaucoup ont vu leurs Ã©tudes s&#039;arrÃªter brutalement, notamment avec la destruction des infrastructures scolaires, comme ici dans le gymnase d&#039;un des lycÃ©es de la ville d&#039;Izioum, oÃ¹ plusieurs skateurs de la ville Ã©tudiaient, et qui est aujourd&#039;hui ravagÃ© par les combats. En l&#039;absence d&#039;Ã©cole, le skateboard est devenu le lien, le fil qui leur permet de maintenir et d&#039;enrichir leur tissu social d&#039;adolescents. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/7</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-5.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kyiv, Ukraine, August 2023. All day long, they climb fences together, cross private property and scour idle building sites in search of new spots for urban skateboarding. âExploring also means we don&#039;t have to go round in circles, so we don&#039;t feel too confined or oppressed. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                           Kiev, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. Toute la journÃ©e, ils escaladent ensemble des clÃ´tures, traversent des propriÃ©tÃ©s privÃ©es et parcourent des chantiers dÃ©saffectÃ©s Ã  la recherche de nouveaux spots pour le skateboard urbain. &quot;L&#039;exploration nous permet aussi de ne pas tourner en rond et de ne pas nous sentir trop confinÃ©s ou oppressÃ©s. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/8</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-12.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kyiv, Ukraine, July 2023.  Young skateboarders ride in Kyiv. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                    Kiev, Ukraine, juillet 2023.  De jeunes skateurs font du skateboard Ã  Kiev. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/9</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-8.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kiev, Ukraine, September 2023. Once they&#039;ve arrived at the spot of the day, the Ukrainian skateboarders perform one trick after another, as here on a public square in Kiev, where Dima films his friend Vasilkan. One by one, the youngsters take to the sidewalks, benches and corners of buildings transformed into improvised sliding areas. Around them, the disparaging remarks and comments quickly make themselves felt. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                            Kiev, Ukraine, septembre 2023. Une fois arrivÃ©s sur le spot du jour, les skateurs ukrainiens enchaÃ®nent les figures, comme ici sur une place publique de Kiev, oÃ¹ Dima filme son ami Vasilkan. Un Ã  un, les jeunes investissent les trottoirs, les bancs et les coins d&#039;immeubles transformÃ©s en aires de glisse improvisÃ©es. Autour d&#039;eux, les remarques et commentaires dÃ©sobligeants ne tardent pas Ã  se faire sentir. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/10</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-9.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kiev, Ukraine, July 2023.  A small group of skateboarders watch a video of a trick one of them has just filmed, in Kiev. For Ukrainian skateboarders, skateboarding is also, in a sense, fighting not to let the Russians take over their lives. Filming their day and sharing their clips on networks is their weapon. âWe film our skateboarding sessions to talk about Ukraine abroad, in Europe. To reach young people who look like us, and show them our daily lives and the war in Ukraine&quot;, explains Dima, a skateboarder from Odessa. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                      Kiev, Ukraine, juillet 2023.  Un petit groupe de skateurs regarde la vidÃ©o d&#039;une figure que l&#039;un d&#039;entre eux vient de filmer, Ã  Kiev. Pour les skateurs ukrainiens, faire du skateboard, c&#039;est aussi, d&#039;une certaine maniÃ¨re, se battre pour ne pas laisser les Russes prendre le contrÃ´le de leur vie. Filmer leur journÃ©e et partager leurs clips sur les rÃ©seaux est leur arme. &quot;Nous filmons nos sessions de skate pour parler de l&#039;Ukraine Ã  l&#039;Ã©tranger, en Europe. Pour toucher des jeunes qui nous ressemblent et leur montrer notre quotidien et la guerre en Ukraine&quot;, explique Dima, un skateur d&#039;Odessa. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/11</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-10.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Ukraine, August 2023.  Young skateboarders from Kharkiv chill in front of the the Lysenko National Opera Theater. Kharkiv, Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                                     Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023.  De jeunes skateurs de Kharkiv s&#039;amusent devant le thÃ©Ã¢tre d&#039;opÃ©ra national Lysenko. Kharkiv, Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques franÃ§ais (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/12</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-15.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kiev, Ukraine, September 2023. Tattoos on the arms of Vasilkan, a skateboarder from Odessa. âForever Chillâ accompanied by a sunset, âHateâ written on hearts, the image of a boy curled up in the fetal position next to a skateboard. âSkateboarding soothes me, especially during this time. Without it, I&#039;d probably go crazy. Doing it isn&#039;t just going out in the street and playing sports. It&#039;s a way of feeling alive, even when everything around you is falling apartâ. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                         Kiev, Ukraine, septembre 2023. Tatouages sur les bras de Vasilkan, un skateur d&#039;Odessa. &quot;Forever Chill&quot; accompagnÃ© d&#039;un coucher de soleil, &quot;Hate&quot; Ã©crit sur des cÅurs, l&#039;image d&#039;un garÃ§on recroquevillÃ© en position fÅtale Ã  cÃ´tÃ© d&#039;un skateboard. &quot;Le skateboard m&#039;apaise, surtout en cette pÃ©riode. Sans lui, je deviendrais probablement fou. Faire du skate, ce n&#039;est pas seulement sortir dans la rue et faire du sport. C&#039;est une faÃ§on de se sentir vivant, mÃªme quand tout s&#039;Ã©croule autour de soi&quot;. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/13</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-14.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kharkiv, Ukraine, August 2023. Artioum, a skateboarder from Kharkiv in his early twenties, shows off the tattoo on his ankle. âSkateboarding is also a mentality. You fall, you get hurt, you suffer, you scream, then you get up again. And then you do it again and again and again. A mentality known as âTrasherâ, referring to the famous skate magazine of the same name, which serves as a psychological support in the face of the uncertainty of war. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                          Kharkiv, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. Artioum, un skateur de Kharkiv Ã¢gÃ© d&#039;une vingtaine d&#039;annÃ©es, montre le tatouage qu&#039;il a sur la cheville. &quot;Le skateboard, c&#039;est aussi une mentalitÃ©. On tombe, on se blesse, on souffre, on crie, puis on se relÃ¨ve. Et puis tu recommences, encore et encore. Une mentalitÃ© connue sous le nom de &quot;Trasher&quot;, en rÃ©fÃ©rence au cÃ©lÃ¨bre magazine de skate du mÃªme nom, qui sert de soutien psychologique face Ã  l&#039;incertitude de la guerre. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/14</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-13.jpg</image:loc><image:title>robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-13</image:title><image:caption>Kyiv, Ukraine, August 2023. War imposes itself at every turn, between the shell-torn buildings, the sandbags placed on the corners of caulked windows and the anti-tank crosses - as here, where dozens of them are piled up under a tarpaulin. By reclaiming these scarred spaces, Ukrainian skateboarders want to give themselves permission to live. To regain control of their lives in the face of a war that blurs their bearings. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                                      Kiev, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. Les rues de certaines villes ukrainiennes, loin des lignes de front, semblent retrouver un semblant de normalitÃ©, mais rien n&#039;est tout Ã  fait pareil. La guerre s&#039;impose Ã  chaque instant, entre les bÃ¢timents Ã©ventrÃ©s par les obus, les sacs de sable posÃ©s aux coins des fenÃªtres calfeutrÃ©es et les croix antichars - comme ici, oÃ¹ des dizaines d&#039;entre elles sont entassÃ©es sous une bÃ¢che. En se rÃ©appropriant ces espaces meurtris, les skateurs ukrainiens veulent se donner la permission de vivre. Reprendre le contrÃ´le de leur vie face Ã  une guerre qui brouille les repÃ¨res. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/15</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-16.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kyiv, Ukraine, September 2023. Sasha and Vasilkan, two Ukrainian skateboarders, pass in front of a Kiev fresco glorifying the soldiers of the Battle of Kruty, which pitted Ukrainian cadets against Red Army soldiers in 1918 . Yet another symbol of Ukrainian resistance to its eastern neighbor. Yet another weight to bear also for an entire youth, wishing to break away for good from this Soviet past which constantly pursues them, and which drags them into a conflict from another time.  Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap)                                     Kiev, Ukraine, septembre 2023. Sasha et Vasilkan, deux skateurs ukrainiens, passent devant une fresque de Kiev Ã  la gloire des soldats de la bataille de Kruty, qui opposa les cadets ukrainiens aux soldats de l&#039;ArmÃ©e rouge en 1918. Un symbole de plus de la rÃ©sistance ukrainienne Ã  son voisin de l&#039;Est. Un poids de plus Ã  porter aussi pour toute une jeunesse, dÃ©sireuse de rompre dÃ©finitivement avec ce passÃ© soviÃ©tique qui la poursuit sans cesse, et qui l&#039;entraÃ®ne dans un conflit d&#039;un autre temps. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre national des arts plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/16</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-18copie.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kharkiv, Ukraine, August 2023. A handful of kilometers from the front, in the city of Kharkiv, the situation is different from the west of the country. Air strikes and the constant threat from Russian armies have pushed many skateboarders into exile, gradually emptying this mecca of skateboarding in the country of its practitioners. Those who have not left, like Artioum, here in front of the MF Sumtsov museum in Kharkiv dedicated to the history of Ukraine, continue to go out and reclaim the streets. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                       Kharkiv, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. A quelques kilomÃ¨tres du front, dans la ville de Kharkiv, la situation est diffÃ©rente de l&#039;ouest du pays. Les frappes aÃ©riennes et la menace constante des armÃ©es russes ont poussÃ© de nombreux skateurs Ã  l&#039;exil, vidant peu Ã  peu ce haut lieu du skateboard dans le pays de ses pratiquants. Ceux qui ne sont pas partis, comme Artioum, ici devant le musÃ©e MF Sumtsov Ã  Kharkiv dÃ©diÃ© Ã  l&#039;histoire de l&#039;Ukraine, continuent de sortir et de reconquÃ©rir les rues. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/17</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-20.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Eric, a 23-year-old Ukrainian skateboarder, in front of a building in the city of Dnipro bombed by the Russians in January 2023, killing 44 people. Dnipro, Ukraine, August 2023. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                                      Eric, skateur ukrainien de 23 ans, devant un immeuble de la ville de Dnipro bombardÃ© par les Russes en janvier 2023, tuant 44 personnes. Dnipro, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/18</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-19.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Dnipro, Ukraine, October 2023. Eric, 23, and Elia, 22, ride in front of a building bombed by the Russians in January 2023. The attack left 44 dead. Despite the horrors of war, the two men go out skateboarding whenever they can. A way to heal trauma and anxiety. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                        Dnipro, Ukraine, octobre 2023. Eric, 23 ans, et Elia, 22 ans, roulent devant un immeuble bombardÃ© par les Russes en janvier 2023. L&#039;attaque a fait 44 morts. MalgrÃ© les horreurs de la guerre, les deux hommes font du skateboard dÃ¨s qu&#039;ils le peuvent. Une faÃ§on de guÃ©rir les traumatismes et lâanxiÃ©tÃ©. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/19</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-17.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kharkiv, Ukraine, August 2023. A skateboarder walks past the traces of the fighting that raged in the suburbs of Kharkiv, at the start of the Russian invasion. In addition to the shrapnel that disfigures the city&#039;s ground almost everywhere, the very composition of the roads reminds the country&#039;s skateboarders of their situation: this rough ground that prevents them is resolutely turned towards the East and its Soviet past. âHere, we grow up on asphalt, on poor quality ground for skateboarding.&quot; Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                           Kharkiv, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. Un skateur passe devant les traces des combats qui ont fait rage dans la banlieue de Kharkiv, au dÃ©but de l&#039;invasion russe. Outre les Ã©clats d&#039;obus qui dÃ©figurent un peu partout le sol de la ville, la composition mÃªme des routes rappelle aux skateurs du pays leur situation : ce terrain accidentÃ© qui les en empÃªche est rÃ©solument tournÃ© vers l&#039;Est et son passÃ© soviÃ©tique. Â« Ici, on grandit sur du bitume, sur un terrain de mauvaise qualitÃ© pour le skate.&quot; Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/20</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-21.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Dnirpo, Ukraine, October 2023.  Elia (left) and Ãric (right) have known each other for 11 years. âWe started skating together, we grew up together,â explains Ãlia, here in his room, where he lives with his mother and his little brother in the suburbs of Dnieper. A moment of relaxation often spoiled by air raid sirens, or the receipt of notifications on their cell phones, carrying news from the front. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                 Dnirpo, Ukraine, octobre 2023. Elia (Ã  gauche) et Ãric (Ã  droite) se connaissent depuis 11 ans. Â«Nous avons commencÃ© Ã  patiner ensemble, nous avons grandi ensembleÂ», explique Ãlia, ici dans sa chambre, oÃ¹ il vit avec sa mÃ¨re et son petit frÃ¨re dans la banlieue du Dniepr. Le soir, Eric rejoint son ami dans sa chambre, et ils regardent des vidÃ©os de skate ensemble. Un moment de dÃ©tente souvent gÃ¢chÃ© par les sirÃ¨nes des raids aÃ©riens, ou par la rÃ©ception de notifications sur leurs tÃ©lÃ©phones portables, apportant les nouvelles du front. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/21</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-25.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kyiv, Ukraine, July 2023. Living in Ukraine in times of war also means living with its traumas. âMentally, itâs difficult to live here. So we skate to free ourselves and heal ourselves, we go out into the street every day, as if it were our medicine,â explains Konstantino, 14, with a hole in his t-shirt from a fall. âHere, people look at us badly in the street, they think the situation is not appropriate for having fun. But if we don&#039;t skate now, when will we be able to? We can die at any moment.â Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                                  Kiev, Ukraine, juillet 2023. Vivre en Ukraine en temps de guerre, câest aussi vivre avec ses traumatismes. Â« Mentalement, câest difficile de vivre ici. Alors nous patinons pour nous libÃ©rer et nous soigner, nous sortons dans la rue tous les jours, comme si c&#039;Ã©tait notre mÃ©dicament&quot;, explique Konstantino, 14 ans, avec un t-shirt trouÃ© Ã  cause d&#039;une chute. Â« Ici, les gens nous regardent mal dans la rue, ils pensent que la situation n&#039;est pas propice pour s&#039;amuser. Mais si nous ne patinons pas maintenant, quand pourrons-nous le faire ? Nous pouvons mourir Ã  tout moment. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/22</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-22.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Eastern Front, Ukraine, September 2023. Mitya is a Ukrainian professional skateboarder. At the age of 22, he joined the civil defense in Boutcha, his town, on the first day of the Russian invasion. Mitya, here in a shelter under a trench, is now fighting near Kupiansk, in a drone team. âI had to give up skateboarding for a while, I miss it terribly.â A âSkate Or Dieâ tattoo marks his arm. His code name in the Ukrainian army, &quot;skaters&quot;, is inscribed on his gunshot.  Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap)                                 Front de l&#039;Est, Ukraine, septembre 2023. Mitya est un skateur professionnel ukrainien. A 22 ans, il rejoint la dÃ©fense civile Ã  Boutcha, sa ville, au premier jour de l&#039;invasion russe. Mitia, ici dans un abri sous une tranchÃ©e, combat dÃ©sormais prÃ¨s de Koupiansk, au sein d&#039;une Ã©quipe de drones. &quot;J&#039;ai dÃ» abandonner le skate pendant un moment, Ã§a me manque terriblement.&quot; Un tatouage Â« Skate Or Die Â» marque son bras. Son nom de code dans l&#039;armÃ©e ukrainienne, Â« patineurs Â», est inscrit sur son coup de feu. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/23</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-23.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Izyum, Ukraine, August 2023.  The remains of more than 440 graves, discovered in the forest near Izium, after the Russians withdrew from the city in September 2022. Death in Ukraine is everywhere, and does not spare the skateboarding community. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                                    Izioum, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. Les restes de plus de 440 tombes, dÃ©couverts dans la forÃªt prÃ¨s d&#039;Izioum, aprÃ¨s le retrait des Russes de la ville en septembre 2022. La mort en Ukraine est partout et n&#039;Ã©pargne pas la communautÃ© du skate. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/24</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-24.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kharkiv, Ukraine, August 2023.  âGiving our all, skateboarding faster, higher, thatâs what pushes us to hold on,â says Andrey, here on the ground after falling above the steps, on Katob Square in Kharkiv. The 17-year-old Ukrainian lived for several months under Russian occupation in Koupiansk. His father is part of the Ukrainian army, and he sometimes does not hear from him for many weeks. âYou learn to fend for yourself. We know what it&#039;s like to have pain when we skate, we&#039;re almost used to it.&quot; Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).                          Kharkiv, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. Â« Tout donner, skater plus vite, plus haut, c&#039;est ce qui nous pousse Ã  tenir le coup Â», raconte Andrey, ici au sol aprÃ¨s Ãªtre tombÃ© au-dessus des marches, sur la place Katob Ã  Kharkiv. Cet Ukrainien de 17 ans a vÃ©cu plusieurs mois sous occupation russe Ã  Koupiansk. Son pÃ¨re fait partie de lâarmÃ©e ukrainienne et il lui arrive parfois de rester sans nouvelles pendant plusieurs semaines. Â« On apprend Ã  se dÃ©brouiller tout seul. On sait ce que Ã§a fait d&#039;avoir mal quand on patine, on y est presque habituÃ©.&quot; Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap).</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/25</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-27.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kharkiv, Ukraine, August 2023. The square of the Lysenko National Opera Theater in Kharkiv, northeastern Ukraine, is emptied of skateboarders. âBefore the war, the square was packed with people, there could be a hundred of us gathered here.â That day, a handful of them filmed their figures above six steps. âWe donât know what tomorrow will bring, so we give everything to skateboarding. We give our lives. We are no longer afraid of getting hurt or falling. We fly higher,â explains Artioum. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap)                                                         Kharkiv, Ukraine, aoÃ»t 2023. La place de l&#039;OpÃ©ra national Lyssenko Ã  Kharkiv, dans le nord-est de l&#039;Ukraine, est vidÃ©e de ses skateurs. Â« Avant la guerre, la place Ã©tait pleine de monde, nous pouvions Ãªtre une centaine rassemblÃ©s ici. Â» Ce jour-lÃ , une poignÃ©e dâentre eux ont filmÃ© leurs silhouettes au-dessus de six marches. Â« Nous ne savons pas de quoi demain sera fait, alors nous donnons tout au skateboard. Nous donnons notre vie. Nous n&#039;avons plus peur de nous blesser ou de tomber. On vole plus haut Â», explique Artioum.Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/26</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-26.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kyiv, Ukraine, September 2023. Young Ukrainian skateboarders spend their day with one of their âhomiesâ (buddies) in a small Soviet-style building, in the suburbs of kyiv. For many, the war also put a stop to their studies, their work and their dreams. Many have engaged in online scams, extracting money from Russians across the border. Others work for Ukrainian women present on the Onlyfan platform, responding for them to the numerous messages from European men. Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap)                        Kiev, Ukraine, septembre 2023. De jeunes skateurs ukrainiens passent leur journÃ©e avec un de leurs Â« potes Â» (copains) dans un petit immeuble de style soviÃ©tique, dans la banlieue de Kiev.  Pour beaucoup, la guerre a Ã©galement mis un terme Ã  leurs Ã©tudes, Ã  leur travail et Ã  leurs rÃªves. Beaucoup se sont livrÃ©s Ã  des escroqueries en ligne, extorquant de lâargent aux Russes de lâautre cÃ´tÃ© de la frontiÃ¨re. Dâautres travaillent pour les femmes ukrainiennes prÃ©sentes sur la plateforme Onlyfan, rÃ©pondant pour elles aux nombreux messages des hommes europÃ©ens. Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/On-asphalt-we-grow/27</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_skate_Ukraine-28.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ukraine - &quot;on asphalt we grow&quot;, the story of the ukranian skateboarding community during the war at the time of the paris olympic games in France</image:title><image:caption>Kyiv, Ukraine, September 2023. Vasilkan returns to Odessa. He has just spent ten days in kyiv, staying with one of his skater friends. âOdessa has been really dangerous for some time, I saw a missile being shot down over my head,â says the 27-year-old. Vasilkan has been skating for half his life. âNothing can stop me from doing it.â The tattoos on his arms paint a portrait of the character. âForever Chillâ accompanied by a sunset, âHateâ written on hearts, the image of a boy curled up in the fetal position near a skateboardâ¦  Photograph by Robin Tutenges / with the support of the french National Center for the Plastic Arts (Cnap)                               Kiev, Ukraine, septembre 2023. Vasilkan retourne Ã  Odessa. Il vient de passer dix jours Ã  Kiev, chez un de ses amis skateurs. &quot;Cela fait un moment qu&#039;Odessa est vraiment dangereuse, j&#039;ai vu un missile Ãªtre abattu au-dessus de ma tÃªte&quot;, raconte le jeune homme de 27 ans. Vasilkan patine depuis la moitiÃ© de sa vie. &quot;Rien ne peut m&#039;empÃªcher de le faire.&quot; Les tatouages ââsur ses bras dressent un portrait du personnage. Â« Forever Chill Â» accompagnÃ© d&#039;un coucher de soleil, Â« Hate Â» Ã©crit sur des cÅurs, l&#039;image d&#039;un garÃ§on recroquevillÃ© en position fÅtale prÃ¨s d&#039;un skateboardâ¦ Photographie de Robin Tutenges / avec le soutien du Centre National des Arts Plastiques (Cnap)</image:caption></image:image></url>
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<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/1</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-1.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Disparitions forcées et assassinats : après la révolution au Bangladesh, les crimes de Sheikh Hasina, ancienne Première ministre, dévoilés</image:title><image:caption>Ayesha, 59 ans, tient le portrait de son fils, Abdul Kader Mashul, 23 ans, kidnappÃ© en pleine rue en 2013. Depuis la rÃ©volution de l&#039;Ã©tÃ© 2024 au Bangladesh, qui a renversÃ© l&#039;ancienne PremiÃ¨re ministre Sheikh Hasina, la parole se libÃ¨re sur les enlÃ¨vements et disparitions forcÃ©es survenus entre 2009 et 2024, utilisÃ©s par le rÃ©gime tout au long de son rÃ¨gne pour Ã©touffer toute contestation. Â« Je suis allÃ©e Ã  la police, j&#039;ai rempli tous les documents possibles pour signaler son enlÃ¨vement, mais je n&#039;ai jamais eu de nouvelles. Hormis un appel tÃ©lÃ©phonique. Â» Deux jours aprÃ¨s sa disparition, son fils a rÃ©ussi Ã  l&#039;appeler. Â« Je l&#039;ai juste entendu dire &quot;Maman&quot;, puis Ã§a a coupÃ©. Â» Depuis, plus aucun signe de vie. Â« Cela fait 11 ans que je pleure sa disparition, sans savoir si mon fils est mort ou toujours vivant.Â» Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 28/09/2024.Ayesha, 59, holds the portrait of her son, Abdul Kader Mashul, 23, kidnapped on the street in 2013. Since the revolution in Bangladesh in the summer of 2024, which toppled former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, people have begun to speak out about the more than 600 kidnappings and enforced disappearances that occurred between 2009 and 2024, used by the regime throughout its reign to stifle any dissent. &quot;I went to the police, filled out all the possible documents to report his abduction, but I never heard back. Apart from a phone call.&quot; Two days after his disappearance, her son managed to call her. &quot;I just heard him say &#039;Mom,&#039; and then it cut off.&quot; Since then, no sign of life. &quot;I&#039;ve been mourning his disappearance for 11 years, not knowing whether my son is dead or still alive.&quot; Photo by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 09/28/2024.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/2</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Texte_Bangladesh_FR_2025.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Texte_Bangladesh_FR_2025</image:title></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/3</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-2.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Disparitions forcées et assassinats : après la révolution au Bangladesh, les crimes de Sheikh Hasina, ancienne Première ministre, dévoilés</image:title><image:caption>Une peinture montrant l&#039;ancienne Premiere ministre du Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, au pouvoir de 1996 a 2001 puis de 2009 a 2024, dans les rues de Dacca, la capitale du pays. Le portrait, dÃ©figurÃ© pendant la revolution qui a secoue le pays en juillet 2024 et provoque l&#039;eviction de la dirigeante autoritaire, est la derniÃ¨re relique de propagande visible dans les rues de la ville. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 13/09/2024.Â A painting of Bangladesh&#039;s former Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina, in power from 1996 to 2001 and again from 2009 to 2024, on the streets of Dhaka, the country&#039;s capital. The portrait, defigured during the revolution that shook the country in July 2024 and led to the ouster of the authoritarian leader, is the last propaganda relic visible on the city&#039;s streets. Photography by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 2024/09/13.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/4</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-3.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Disparitions forcées et assassinats : après la révolution au Bangladesh, les crimes de Sheikh Hasina, ancienne Première ministre, dévoilés</image:title><image:caption>M. Hamibol (au centre) et ses amis sont venus depuis Chittagong dans les bureaux de l&#039;association Mayer Daak, qui lutte depuis 2014 contre les disparitions forcÃ©es et les exÃ©cutions extrajudiciaires du rÃ©gime Hasina au Bangladesh, pour remplir les documents Ã©voquant l&#039;enlÃ¨vement de son frÃ¨re, Nalhay Hazrul Isgam Bacca, un ancien politicien du BNP. Depuis la rÃ©volution de lâÃ©tÃ© 2024 au Bangladesh, qui a renversÃ© l&#039;ancienne PremiÃ¨re ministre Sheikh Hasina, la parole se libÃ¨re sur les enlÃ¨vements et disparitions forcÃ©es survenus entre 2009 et 2024, utilisÃ©s par le rÃ©gime tout au long de son rÃ¨gne pour Ã©touffer toute contestation. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 10/09/2024.Mr. Hamibol (center) and his friends came from Chittagong to the offices of the Mayer Daak association, which has been fighting since 2014 against enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions under the Hasina regime in Bangladesh, to fill out the documents concerning the abduction of his brother, Nalhay Hazrul Isgam Bacca, a former BNP politician. Since the revolution in the summer of 2024 in Bangladesh, which toppled former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, people have begun to speak out about the kidnappings and enforced disappearances that occurred between 2009 and 2024, used by the regime throughout its rule to suppress dissent. Photo by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 09/10/2024.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/5</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-5.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Disparitions forcées et assassinats : après la révolution au Bangladesh, les crimes de Sheikh Hasina, ancienne Première ministre, dévoilés</image:title><image:caption>Le 4 dÃ©cembre 2013, Sajedul Islam Shumon (sur l&#039;image, tenu dans les mains de sa mÃ¨re), le frÃ¨re de Sanjida Islam, coordinatrice de lâassociation Mayer Daak, est kidnappÃ© par le Bataillon d&#039;action rapide (RAB). Au total, 8 personnes sont enlevÃ©es le mÃªme jour, notamment des dirigeants du Parti nationaliste du Bangladesh (BNP), le parti d&#039;opposition. Depuis, l&#039;association n&#039;a cessÃ© d&#039;interpeller la communautÃ© internationale face aux multiples disparitions. Au total, une commission dâenquÃªte a enregistrÃ© dans ses documents le cas de 1 600 personnes enlevÃ©es et toujours portÃ©es disparues. Un chiffre en constante augmentation depuis la rÃ©volution de lâÃ©tÃ© 2024 au Bangladesh, qui a renversÃ© lâancienne PremiÃ¨re ministre Sheikh Hasina. La parole se libÃ¨re sur les enlÃ¨vements et disparitions forcÃ©es survenus entre 2009 et 2024, utilisÃ©s par le rÃ©gime tout au long de son rÃ¨gne pour Ã©touffer toute contestation. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 10/09/2024.On December 4, 2013, Sajedul Islam Shumon (pictured, held in his mother&#039;s hands), the brother of Sanjida Islam, coordinator of the Mayer Daak association, was kidnapped by the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB). In total, 8 people were abducted on the same day, including leaders of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the opposition party. Since then, the association has consistently called on the international community to address the numerous disappearances. A total of 1,600 cases of abductions and still-missing persons have been recorded in the documents of an inquiry commission. This number has been steadily increasing since the revolution in the summer of 2024 in Bangladesh, which toppled former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. People have begun to speak out about the kidnappings and enforced disappearances that took place between 2009 and 2024, used by the regime throughout its reign to suppress dissent. Photo by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 09/10/2024.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/6</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-6.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Disparitions forcées et assassinats : après la révolution au Bangladesh, les crimes de Sheikh Hasina, ancienne Première ministre, dévoilés</image:title><image:caption>Les derniÃ¨res affaires laissÃ©es par Salim Reza Pintu, un ancien activiste du Parti nationaliste du Bangladesh (rival de la Ligue Awami, le parti de Sheikh Hasina), kidnappÃ© chez son frÃ¨re devant toute sa famille le 11 dÃ©cembre 2013. Ces enlÃ¨vements suivent presque toujours le mÃªme mode opÃ©ratoire: des hommes en civil, dissimulant Ã  peine leur appartenance au Bataillon d&#039;action rapide (RAB), une unitÃ© spÃ©ciale des forces de sÃ©curitÃ© du Bangladesh et bras armÃ© de l&#039;ancienne PremiÃ¨re ministre, enlÃ¨vent les victimes chez elles ou directement dans la rue, les enfournent dans une camionnette avant de disparaÃ®tre. Depuis la rÃ©volution de l&#039;Ã©tÃ© 2024 au Bangladesh, qui a renversÃ© l&#039;ancienne PremiÃ¨re ministre Sheikh Hasina, la parole se libÃ¨re sur les enlÃ¨vements et disparitions forcÃ©es survenus entre 2009 et 2024, utilisÃ©s par le rÃ©gime tout au long de son rÃ¨gne pour Ã©touffer toute contestation. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 26/09/2024.The latest belongings left behind by Salim Reza Pintu, a former activist with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (rival of Sheikh Hasina&#039;s Awami League party), who was kidnapped from his brother&#039;s home in front of his entire family on December 11, 2013. These kidnappings almost always follow the same modus operandi: men in civilian clothes, barely concealing their affiliation with the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), a special unit of the Bangladeshi security forces and the armed wing of the former Prime Minister, abduct victims from their homes or directly from the street, bundle them into a van, and then disappear. Since the revolution in Bangladesh in the summer of 2024, which toppled former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, people have begun to speak out about the enforced disappearances that took place between 2009 and 2024, used by the regime throughout its reign to suppress dissent. Photo by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 09/26/2024.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/7</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-7.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Disparitions forcées et assassinats : après la révolution au Bangladesh, les crimes de Sheikh Hasina, ancienne Première ministre, dévoilés</image:title><image:caption>Des familles de disparus se rassemblent dans les locaux de lâassociation Mayer Daak pour complÃ©ter leurs dossiers de plainte qui seront ensuite envoyÃ©s Ã  la Commission d&#039;enquÃªte chargÃ©e de lever le mystÃ¨re sur ces enlÃ¨vements. Au total, la commission dâenquÃªte enregistrera 1 600 cas de personnes enlevÃ©es et toujours portÃ©es disparues. Â« Nous voulons la justice, que nos frÃ¨res, pÃ¨res et fils reviennent, et que les coupables soient punis Â», soutient la coordinatrice de Mayer Daak, Sanjida. Depuis la rÃ©volution de lâÃ©tÃ© 2024 au Bangladesh, qui a renversÃ© l&#039;ancienne PremiÃ¨re ministre Sheikh Hasina, la parole se libÃ¨re sur les enlÃ¨vements et disparitions forcÃ©es survenus entre 2009 et 2024, utilisÃ©s par le rÃ©gime tout au long de son rÃ¨gne pour Ã©touffer toute contestation. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 10/09/2024.Families of the disappeared gather at the offices of the Mayer Daak association to complete their complaint files, which will then be sent to the Inquiry Commission tasked with uncovering the mystery behind these abductions. In total, the inquiry commission will record 1,600 cases of abductions and still-missing persons. &quot;We want justice, for our brothers, fathers, and sons to return, and for the guilty to be punished,&quot; says Sanjida, coordinator of Mayer Daak. Since the revolution in the summer of 2024 in Bangladesh, which toppled former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, people have begun to speak out about the kidnappings and enforced disappearances that occurred between 2009 and 2024, used by the regime throughout its rule to suppress dissent. Photo by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 09/10/2024.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/8</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-8.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Disparitions forcées et assassinats : après la révolution au Bangladesh, les crimes de Sheikh Hasina, ancienne Première ministre, dévoilés</image:title><image:caption>Portrait de Michael Chakma (ici dans un lieu secret), 45 ans, dÃ©fenseur des droits des populations indigÃ¨nes de la rÃ©gion des Chittagong Hill Tracts et enlevÃ© le 9 avril 2019. Trois personnes enlevÃ©es et dÃ©tenues dans le centre de dÃ©tention secret d&#039;Aynaghor ont Ã©tÃ© libÃ©rÃ©es depuis la rÃ©volution, dont Michael Chakma. Seul dans une cellule sombre, sans jamais voir le monde extÃ©rieur pendant 5 ans, il a plusieurs fois Ã©tÃ© interrogÃ©, attachÃ© Ã  une chaise, les yeux bandÃ©s. Â« Quand un jour ils m&#039;ont lÃ¢chÃ© dans la jungle, en me disant de courir, j&#039;ai cru que j&#039;allais Ãªtre fusillÃ© Â». Ce matin de dÃ©but aoÃ»t marqua pourtant le jour de sa libÃ©ration. Certain de ne plus jamais le revoir, sa famille avait dÃ©jÃ  organisÃ© une cÃ©rÃ©monie funÃ©raire en son honneur. Â« Aujourd&#039;hui, je rÃ©apprends Ã  vivre, avec mes traumatismes Â». Depuis la rÃ©volution de lâÃ©tÃ© 2024 au Bangladesh, qui a renversÃ© l&#039;ancienne PremiÃ¨re ministre Sheikh Hasina, la parole se libÃ¨re sur les enlÃ¨vements et disparitions forcÃ©es survenus entre 2009 et 2024, utilisÃ©s par le rÃ©gime tout au long de son rÃ¨gne pour Ã©touffer toute contestation. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 25/09/2024.Portrait of Michael Chakma (pictured here in a secret location), 45, a defender of the rights of indigenous populations in the Chittagong Hill Tracts region, abducted on April 9, 2019. Three people abducted and detained in the secret detention center of Aynaghor have been released since the revolution, including Michael Chakma. Alone in a dark cell, never seeing the outside world for 5 years, he was repeatedly interrogated, tied to a chair, with his eyes blindfolded. &quot;When one day they released me in the jungle, telling me to run, I thought I was going to be shot.&quot; This morning in early August, however, marked the day of his liberation. Certain he would never see him again, his family had already organized a funeral ceremony in his honor. &quot;Today, I am relearning to live, with my trauma.&quot; Since the revolution in the summer of 2024 in Bangladesh, which toppled former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, people have begun to speak out about the kidnappings and enforced disappearances that occurred between 2009 and 2024, used by the regime throughout its rule to stifle dissent. Photo by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 09/25/2024.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/9</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-9.jpg</image:loc><image:title>BANGLADESH - DISAPPEARED - ENFORCED - DISAPPEARANCE - MARTYRS - FORMER - PRIME - MINISTER - SHEIKH - HASINA</image:title><image:caption>Des traces de la revolution sont encore visibles un peu partout dans la capitale, comme ces voitures calcinees, symbole de ce nouveau chapitre que le pays est en train d&#039;ecrire, mais aussi des crimes impunis de l&#039;ancien regime, qui restent comme une plaie qui ne peut cicatriser. Depuis l&#039;arrivee de Muhammad Yunus a la tete d&#039;un gouvernement de transition democratique, l&#039;espoir renait pour les familles de disparus, qui osent desormais sortir de l&#039;ombre pour reclamer justice. Depuis la revolution de l&#039;ete 2024 au Bangladesh, qui a renverse l&#039;ancienne Premiere ministre Sheikh Hasina, la parole se libere sur les plus de 600 enlevements et disparitions forcees survenus entre 2009 et 2022, utilises par le regime tout au long de son regne pour etouffer toute contestation. Â Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 11/09/2024.Traces of the revolution are still visible everywhere in the capital, such as these burnt-out cars, a symbol of this new chapter that the country is writing, but also of the unpunished crimes of the former regime, which remain like a wound that cannot heal. Since the arrival of Muhammad Yunus at the head of a democratic transitional government, hope has been reborn for the families of the disappeared, who now dare to come out of the shadows to demand justice. Since the revolution of the summer of 2024 in Bangladesh, which overthrew former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, people have been speaking out about the more than 600 kidnappings and forced disappearances that occurred between 2009 and 2022, used by the regime throughout its reign to stifle any protest. Photograph by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 2024/09/11.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/10</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-10.jpg</image:loc><image:title>BANGLADESH - DISAPPEARED - ENFORCED - DISAPPEARANCE - MARTYRS - FORMER - PRIME - MINISTER - SHEIKH - HASINA</image:title><image:caption>Les etudiants, en premiere ligne lors de la revolution, deplorent le plus de victimes, tuees par la police, qui tirait a balles reelles. Â«Â Nos camarades tombaient comme des mouches, mais on conti- nuait a avancerÂ Â», se souvient Dewan (au centre), etudiant en sciences politiques a l&#039;Universite de Dacca. Le jeune homme de 22 ans etait la au debut du mouvement etudiant, qui critiquait d&#039;abord un systeme de quotas de recrutement dans la fonction publique. Au Bangladesh, dix-huit millions des jeunes de 15 a 24 ans sont sans emploi ou ne suivent pas de formation. Le 1er juillet, la protestation prend de l&#039;ampleur. Le 16, un premier manifestant est tue. Au total, plus de 650 mourront, ou disparaitront, jusqu&#039;au Â«Â 36 juilletÂ Â», jour de la victoire de la revolution. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 12/09/2024.Students, on the front lines of the revolution, deplore the most victims, killed by the police, who fired live ammunition. &quot;Our comrades were dropping like flies, but we kept moving forward,&quot; recalls Dewan (center), a political science student at the University of Dhaka. The 22-year-old was there at the beginning of the student movement, which initially criticized a recruitment quota system in the civil service. In Bangladesh, eighteen million young people aged 15 to 24 are unemployed or not in training. On July 1, the protests grew. On the 16th, the first demonstrator was killed. In total, more than 650 would die, or disappear, by &quot;July 36,&quot; the day of the revolution&#039;s victory. Photograph by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 2024/09/12.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/11</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-11.jpg</image:loc><image:title>BANGLADESH - DISAPPEARED - ENFORCED - DISAPPEARANCE - MARTYRS - FORMER - PRIME - MINISTER - SHEIKH - HASINA</image:title><image:caption>Les manifestations continuent au Bangladesh, entre celles organisees pour reclamer justice pour les martyrs de la revolution, celles pour les disparus, et meme celles organisees par les communautes hindoues du pays, victimes d&#039;attaques religieuses durant la periode revolutionnaire. Des manifestations qui se croisent parfois, comme ici pres de l&#039;Universite de Dhaka. Si le changement politique, impulse par Mohammad Yunus, ancien prix Nobel d&#039;economie, inventeur du microcredit et Premier ministre par interim, a calme la revolution, qui s&#039;etait achevee le 5 aout par la fuite de l&#039;ancienne Premiere ministre Sheikh Hasina, les attentes sont grandes concernant les mesures de justice et de reparation a venir concernant les crimes de l&#039;ancien regime. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 13/09/2024.Some protests continue in Bangladesh, including those organized to demand justice for the martyrs of the revolution, those for the disappeared, and even those organized by the country&#039;s Hindu communities, victims of religious attacks during the revolutionary period. Demonstrations that sometimes intersect, as here near the University of Dhaka. If the political change, driven by Mohammad Yunus, former Nobel Prize winner in economics, inventor of microcredit and interim Prime Minister, has calmed the revolution, which ended on August 5 with the flight of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, expectations are high regarding the measures of justice and reparation to come concerning the crimes of the former regime. Photograph by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 2024/09/13.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/12</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-12.jpg</image:loc><image:title>BANGLADESH - DISAPPEARED - ENFORCED - DISAPPEARANCE - MARTYRS - FORMER - PRIME - MINISTER - SHEIKH - HASINA</image:title><image:caption>Une peinture montrant l&#039;ancienne Premiere ministre du Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, au pouvoir de 1996 a 2001 puis de 2009 a 2024, dans les rues de Dacca, la capitale du pays. Le portrait, defi- gure pendant la revolution qui a secoue le pays en juillet 2024 et provoque l&#039;eviction de la dirigeante autoritaire, est la derniere relique de propagande visible dans les rues de la ville. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 10/10/2024.Â A painting of Bangladesh&#039;s former Prime Minister, Sheikh Hasina, in power from 1996 to 2001 and again from 2009 to 2024, on the streets of Dhaka, the country&#039;s capital. The portrait, defi- gured during the revolution that shook the country in July 2024 and led to the ouster of the authoritarian leader, is the last propaganda relic visible on the city&#039;s streets. Photography by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 13/0/2024.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/13</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-13.jpg</image:loc><image:title>BANGLADESH - DISAPPEARED - ENFORCED - DISAPPEARANCE - MARTYRS - FORMER - PRIME - MINISTER - SHEIKH - HASINA</image:title><image:caption>Les blouses de chirurgien de l&#039;hopital du Dacca Medical college sechent au soleil. L&#039;etablissement de sante a ete, aux heures sombres de la revolution, le theatre de ces meurtres etouffes par le regime Hasina. La police y entassait les corps des manifestants qu&#039;elle venait de tuer, avant de les faire disparaitre, dans le plus grand secret. Des familles, alertees sur les reseaux sociaux, ont pu s&#039;y rendre a temps, decouvrir le cadavre de leur fils ou frere. Certaines devaient alors payer pour recuperer le corps du defunt et son certificat de deces. Apres des semaines de manifestations de juillet a debut aout 2024 et plus de 650 morts, un soulevement etudiant a renverse l&#039;ancienne Premiere ministre Sheikh Hasina, qui dirigeait le pays d&#039;une main de fer depuis quinze ans. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 12/09/2024.The surgical gowns of the Dhaka Medical College hospital dry in the sun. During the dark hours of the revolution, the health facility was the scene of these murders hushed up by the Hasina regime. The police piled up the bodies of the protesters they had just killed, before making them disappear, in the greatest secrecy. Families, alerted on social networks, were able to get there in time to discover the body of their son or brother. Some then had to pay to recover the body of the deceased and his death certificate. After weeks of protests from July to early August 2024 and more than 650 deaths, a student uprising overthrew former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who had ruled the country with an iron fist for fifteen years. Photograph by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 2024/09/12.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Les-disparus-du-36-juillet/14</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Bangladesh_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Disparitions forcées et assassinats : après la révolution au Bangladesh, les crimes de Sheikh Hasina, ancienne Première ministre, dévoilés</image:title><image:caption>La famille de Parves Hossain, un Bangladais enlevÃ© en pleine rue avec quatre autres personnes en 2013. Ici, sa femme, Arzana Akter (au centre), Ã©tait enceinte de quatre mois au moment de lâenlÃ¨vement. Araf Hossain (Ã  droite) ne connaÃ®tra jamais son pÃ¨re. Sa sÅur, Adbida Islam (Ã  gauche), nâen garde que de vagues souvenirs. Â« On ne sait pas sâil est encore vivant, alors on vit avec son fantÃ´me Â», dÃ©plore la mÃ¨re. Par peur dâÃªtre ciblÃ©e par cette insidieuse rÃ©pression, Arzana Akter est restÃ©e silencieuse pendant longtemps, Ã  lâinstar de toutes les autres familles victimes. Depuis la rÃ©volution de lâÃ©tÃ© 2024 au Bangladesh, qui a renversÃ© lâancienne PremiÃ¨re ministre Sheikh Hasina, la parole se libÃ¨re sur les enlÃ¨vements et disparitions forcÃ©es survenus entre 2009 et 2024, utilisÃ©s par le rÃ©gime tout au long de son rÃ¨gne pour Ã©touffer toute contestation. Photographie de Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dacca, 25/09/2024.The family of Parves Hossain, a Bangladeshi man abducted in the street with four others in 2013. Here, his wife, Arzana Akter (center), was four months pregnant at the time of the abduction. Araf Hossain (right) will never know his father. His sister, Adbida Islam (left), has only vague memories of him. &quot;We donât know if heâs still alive, so we live with his ghost,&quot; laments the mother. For fear of being targeted by this insidious repression, Arzana Akter remained silent for a long time, like all the other victimized families. Since the revolution in Bangladesh in the summer of 2024, which toppled former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, people have begun to speak out about the kidnappings and enforced disappearances that occurred between 2009 and 2024, used by the regime throughout its reign to suppress dissent. Photo by Robin Tutenges. BANGLADESH, Dhaka, 09/25/2024.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/1</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Des vestiges dâanciennes tombes musulmanes, prÃ¨s de la ville de Karakol, Ã©mergent de la neige, non loin des montagnes qui sÃ©parent le Kirghizistan du Xinjiang. Karakol, Kirghizistan, le 17/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Remains of ancient Muslim graves, near the city of Karakol, emerge from the snow, not far from the mountains that separate Kyrgyzstan from Xinjiang. Karakol, Kyrgyzstan, January 17, 2025. Photography by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/2</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Texte_Kirgiz_FR_2025.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Texte_Kirgiz_FR_2025</image:title></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/3</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-3.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Un drapeau du Kirghizistan trÃ´ne au milieu dâune estrade, dans le centre culturel de la ville de Kenbulun, oÃ¹ vit une importante communautÃ© ouÃ¯ghoure. La diaspora essaie tant bien que mal de perpÃ©tuer ses traditions, tout en se gardant bien dâaborder des sujets politiques. Kenbulun, Kirghizistan, le 12/01/2025.A Kyrgyzstan flag stands proudly on a platform in the cultural center of the city of Kenbulun, home to a large Uyghur community. The diaspora is doing its best to preserve its traditions, while carefully avoiding political discussions. Kenbulun, Kyrgyzstan, January 12, 2025.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/4</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-2.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>NÃ© au Xinjiang en 1960, Nurmukhammed Kendzhiev, petit-fils de rÃ©volutionnaire ouÃ¯ghour, a dÃ» fuir trÃ¨s jeune sa terre natale par peur de la rÃ©pression chinoise. RÃ©fugiÃ© au Kirghizistan, il dÃ©fend les droits de son peuple, avant que le fatalisme ne le pousse Ã  plaider pour une nation ouÃ¯ghoure sans structure Ã©tatique. Une position que cette figure controversÃ©e de la communautÃ© dÃ©fend dans sa fondation Erpan, crÃ©Ã©e en 2003, et qui se cantonne au domaine culturel. Sauver la culture, la langue, lâhistoire... sans plus faire de politique. Bichkek, Kirghizistan, le 10/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Born in Xinjiang in 1960, Nurmukhammed Kendzhiev, the grandson of a Uyghur revolutionary, was forced to flee his homeland at a young age due to the fear of Chinese repression. A refugee in Kyrgyzstan, he advocates for the rights of his people, before fatalism pushes him to plead for a stateless Uyghur nation. A position that this controversial figure in the community defends through his foundation Erpan, established in 2003, which focuses solely on cultural matters. Preserving culture, language, history... without engaging in politics. Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, January 10, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/5</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-5.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Les murs de Sizo-1, un centre de dÃ©tention de Bichkek oÃ¹ des OuÃ¯ghours, accusÃ©s de liens avec des mouvements sÃ©paratistes ou terroristes, ont transitÃ©. AprÃ¨s avoir fermÃ© les yeux sur les agissements de la Chine concernant lâenfermement de millions de personnes au Xinjiang, y compris des Kirghiz, le Kirghizistan a progressivement renforcÃ© sa coopÃ©ration avec son voisin sur les questions de sÃ©curitÃ©. Autrefois refuge pour les OuÃ¯ghours fuyant la rÃ©pression chinoise, le Kirghizistan sâest ainsi progressivement muÃ© en collaborateur, allant jusquâÃ  arrÃªter puis extrader de force certains rÃ©fugiÃ©s. Un voyage synonyme de prison, voire dâexÃ©cution sommaire. Bichkek, Kirghizistan, le 23/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.The walls of Sizo-1, a detention center in Bishkek where Uyghurs, accused of links to separatist or terrorist movements, have passed through. After turning a blind eye to China&#039;s actions regarding the imprisonment of millions of people in Xinjiang, including Kyrgyz, Kyrgyzstan has gradually strengthened its cooperation with its neighbor on security issues. Once a refuge for Uyghurs fleeing Chinese repression, Kyrgyzstan has gradually turned into a collaborator, even going so far as to arrest and forcibly extradite certain refugees. A journey that means prison, or even summary execution. Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, January 23, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/6</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-23.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Les murs de Sizo-1, un centre de dÃ©tention de Bichkek oÃ¹ des OuÃ¯ghours, accusÃ©s de liens avec des mouvements sÃ©paratistes ou terroristes, ont transitÃ©. AprÃ¨s avoir fermÃ© les yeux sur les agissements de la Chine concernant lâenfermement de millions de personnes au Xinjiang, y compris des Kirghiz, le Kirghizistan a progressivement renforcÃ© sa coopÃ©ration avec son voisin sur les questions de sÃ©curitÃ©. Autrefois refuge pour les OuÃ¯ghours fuyant la rÃ©pression chinoise, le Kirghizistan sâest ainsi progressivement muÃ© en collaborateur, allant jusquâÃ  arrÃªter puis extrader de force certains rÃ©fugiÃ©s. Un voyage synonyme de prison, voire dâexÃ©cution sommaire. Bichkek, Kirghizistan, le 23/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.The walls of Sizo-1, a detention center in Bishkek where Uyghurs, accused of links to separatist or terrorist movements, have passed through. After turning a blind eye to China&#039;s actions regarding the imprisonment of millions of people in Xinjiang, including Kyrgyz, Kyrgyzstan has gradually strengthened its cooperation with its neighbor on security issues. Once a refuge for Uyghurs fleeing Chinese repression, Kyrgyzstan has gradually turned into a collaborator, even going so far as to arrest and forcibly extradite certain refugees. A journey that means prison, or even summary execution. Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, January 23, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/7</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-7.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>AccusÃ©e de Â« radicalisme religieux Â» pour sâÃªtre rendue plusieurs fois au Kazakhstan voisin, Jannat* a passÃ© neuf mois dans un camp du Xinjiang. EnfermÃ©e avec quatorze autres prisonniÃ¨res dans seize mÃ¨tres carrÃ©s, elle a subi les pires humiliations : lumiÃ¨res allumÃ©es en permanence, tabourets minuscules oÃ¹ il fallait rester immobile des journÃ©es entiÃ¨res, cagoules noires, nourriture infÃ¢me et rationnÃ©e, cachets Ã  avaler sans en connaÃ®tre les effetsâ¦ Sâajoutait Ã  cela lâendoctrinement : des chants du Parti communiste chinois Ã  rÃ©citer des heures sous lâÅil des gardes et des camÃ©ras. Almaty, Kazakhstan, le 21/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Accused of &quot;religious radicalism&quot; for having visited neighboring Kazakhstan several times, Jannat* spent nine months in a camp in Xinjiang. Confined with fourteen other prisoners in sixteen square meters, she endured the worst humiliations: lights on constantly, tiny stools where they had to remain still for entire days, black hoods, terrible and rationed food, pills to swallow without knowing their effects... Added to this was the indoctrination: hours of chanting Communist Party songs under the watch of guards and cameras. Almaty, Kazakhstan, January 21, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/8</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-6.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Une femme marche dans une rue du district dâAlamÃ¼dÃ¼n, dans la banlieue nord de Bichkek. Le quartier, habitÃ© principalement par des OuÃ¯ghours, a connu des vagues successives de migrations de cette minoritÃ© musulmane fuyant le Xinjiang, rÃ©gion chinoise limitrophe du Kirghizistan et foyer historique de ce peuple apatride persÃ©cutÃ©. Bichkek, Kirghizistan, le 12/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A woman walks down a street in the AlamÃ¼dÃ¼n district, in the northern suburbs of Bishkek. The neighborhood, mainly inhabited by Uyghurs, has seen successive waves of migration from this Muslim minority fleeing Xinjiang, a Chinese region bordering Kyrgyzstan and the historical homeland of this persecuted stateless people. Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, January 12, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/9</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-8.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Des gens font leurs achats dans le marchÃ© de DordoÃ¯ Ã  Bichkek, lâun des plus grands bazars dâAsie centrale, oÃ¹ les marchandises chinoises transitent - et les espions surveillent. Bichkek, Kirghizistan, le 13/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.People shop at the DordoÃ¯ market in Bishkek, one of the largest bazaars in Central Asia, where Chinese goods pass through â and spies keep watch. Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, January 13, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/10</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-9.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Des conteneurs provenant de Chine sont entreposÃ©s dans le marchÃ© de DordoÃ¯ Ã  Bichkek, lâun des plus grands bazars dâAsie centrale, oÃ¹ les marchandises transitent. Si le Kirghizistan est si complaisant vis-Ã -vis de son voisin concernant la rÃ©pression des OuÃ¯ghours, câest avant tout parce quâil en est hyperdÃ©pendant Ã©conomiquement : la Chine dÃ©tient en effet prÃ¨s de 40 % de la dette extÃ©rieure du pays. Bichkek, Kirghizistan, le 13/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Containers from China are stored in the DordoÃ¯ market in Bishkek, one of the largest bazaars in Central Asia, where goods pass through. If Kyrgyzstan is so accommodating towards its neighbor regarding the repression of Uyghurs, it is primarily because it is economically dependent on China: China holds nearly 40% of the country&#039;s external debt. Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, January 13, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/11</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-10.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Deux hommes discutent dans les allÃ©es sombres de Madina Bazar, dominÃ© par des commerÃ§ants ouÃ¯ghours, au Kirghizistan. Depuis que la machine rÃ©pressive chinoise sâabat sur la rÃ©gion du Xinjiang, le marchÃ© est devenu un nid dâespions. Les OuÃ¯ghours y sont surveillÃ©sâ¦ et se surveillent entre eux. Un mot de trop, surtout critique envers les autoritÃ©s chinoises ou kirghizes, peut vous coÃ»ter cher, si bien quâici, bien que tout le monde soit OuÃ¯ghour, personne nâose plus le revendiquer. Bichkek, Kirghizistan, le 25/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Two men are talking in the dark aisles of Madina Bazar, dominated by Uyghur merchants, in Kyrgyzstan. Since the Chinese repressive machine descended upon the Xinjiang region, the market has become a nest of spies. Uyghurs are monitored... and watch each other. A word too many, especially critical of the Chinese or Kyrgyz authorities, can cost you dearly, so here, even though everyone is Uyghur, no one dares to claim it anymore. Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, January 25, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/12</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-11.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Des femmes commandent Ã  manger dans un restaurant ouÃ¯ghour de Madina Bazar, Ã  Bichkek. Alors que les allÃ©es du marchÃ© sont truffÃ©es de camÃ©ras de surveillance, les quelques cafÃ©s ouÃ¯ghours restants offrent un havre de paix, oÃ¹ les nostalgiques peuvent dÃ©guster des lagmÃ¢n, un plat traditionnel Ã  base de nouilles. Bichkek, Kirghizistan, le 15/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Women order food at an Uyghur restaurant in Madina Bazar, Bishkek. While the market&#039;s aisles are filled with surveillance cameras, the few remaining Uyghur cafes offer a peaceful haven where nostalgics can enjoy lagman, a traditional noodle dish. Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, January 15, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/13</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-13.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Un homme pousse un chariot dans les allÃ©es de Madina Bazar, Ã  Bichkek. ÃgÃ© dâun quart de siÃ¨cle, ce bazar, dominÃ© par des commerÃ§ants ouÃ¯ghours, est le cÅur nÃ©vralgique de leur diaspora. Une grande partie des commerÃ§ants, qui apportent notamment du tissu dâUrumqi ou de Kashgar, ont un pied au Kirghizistan et lâautre au Xinjiang. Bichkek, Kirghizistan, le 24/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A man pushes a cart through the aisles of Madina Bazar in Bishkek. At a quarter-century old, this bazaar, dominated by Uyghur traders, is the nerve center of their diaspora. Many of the traders, who bring fabrics from Urumqi or Kashgar, have one foot in Kyrgyzstan and the other in Xinjiang. Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, January 24, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/14</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-14.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Le poste-frontiÃ¨re de KordaÃ¯, sÃ©parant le Kirghizistan du Kazakhstan. Si au Kirghizistan les OuÃ¯ghours ne peuvent Ã©voquer la rÃ©pression de leur peuple au Xinjiang, il suffit de franchir la frontiÃ¨re pour mesurer lâampleur du phÃ©nomÃ¨ne. De lâautre cÃ´tÃ©, au Kazakhstan, des OuÃ¯ghours passÃ©s par les camps de Â« rÃ©Ã©ducation Â» ont rapportÃ© avec eux des tÃ©moignages glaÃ§ants, dont certains acceptent, avec quelque rÃ©ticence, de parler, bien que le risque de dÃ©portation demeure pour eux une rÃ©elle menace. Plus grande Ã©conomie dâAsie centrale, le Kazakhstan reste moins dÃ©pendant de la Chine. KordaÃ¯, Kirghizistan, le 20/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.The Kordai border post, separating Kyrgyzstan from Kazakhstan. While in Kyrgyzstan, Uyghurs cannot speak of the repression of their people in Xinjiang, it only takes crossing the border to grasp the scale of the phenomenon. On the other side, in Kazakhstan, Uyghurs who have passed through &quot;re-education&quot; camps have brought with them chilling testimonies, some of which they reluctantly share, although the threat of deportation remains a real danger. As the largest economy in Central Asia, Kazakhstan is less dependent on China. Kordai, Kyrgyzstan, January 20, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/15</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-15.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>ArrÃªtÃ© en 2019, Amanjan, 49 ans, est lui aussi passÃ© par les camps de Â« rÃ©Ã©ducation Â» du Xinjiang, cette terre maudite qui lâa vu grandir. Privation, endoctrinement, surveillance extrÃªme et humiliation : le rescapÃ© des camps nâa rien oubliÃ©, et en fait, encore aujourdâhui, des cauchemars. Â« Je mâimagine que lâon mâarrÃªte Ã  nouveau, que lâon mâemmÃ¨ne dans une prison terrible... Je ne parle pas souvent de cette pÃ©riode Ã  ma famille, mais ils savent ce quâil mâest arrivÃ©. Ils mâont vu rentrer, la peau sur les os. Â» Almaty, Kazakhstan, le 20/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Arrested in 2019, Amanjan, 49, also went through the &quot;re-education&quot; camps in Xinjiang, the cursed land where he grew up. Deprivation, indoctrination, extreme surveillance, and humiliation: the camp survivor has forgotten nothing, and in fact, still has nightmares about it today. &quot;I imagine being arrested again, taken to a terrible prison... I donât often talk about this period with my family, but they know what happened to me. They saw me return, skin and bones.&quot; Almaty, Kazakhstan, January 20, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/16</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-16.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Une route menant vers le Xinjiang et la Chine, prÃ¨s de la ville de Balyktchy, qui Ã©tait autrefois un point de passage des caravanes liÃ©es Ã  la Route de la Soie. Aujourdâhui, cet influent voisin quâest la Chine investit massivement dans le projet de la Nouvelle Route de la Soie (BRI), propulsant le Kirghizistan, grÃ¢ce Ã  sa position stratÃ©gique, au cÅur des nouveaux Ã©changes commerciaux, tout en lâendettant auprÃ¨s dâelle. Balyktchy, Kirghizistan, le 18/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A road leading to Xinjiang and China, near the city of Balyktchy, which was once a passage point for caravans linked to the Silk Road. Today, the influential neighbor, China, is heavily investing in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), propelling Kyrgyzstan, thanks to its strategic position, to the heart of new commercial exchanges, while indebting the country to it. Balyktchy, Kyrgyzstan, January 18, 2025. Photography by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/17</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-17.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Des OuÃ¯ghours prient ensemble dans la mosquÃ©e de la ville de Kenbulun, oÃ¹ vivent plusieurs membres de leur diaspora. Une pratique qui, de lâautre cÃ´tÃ© des montagnes, au Xinjiang, peut conduire directement en prison. La rÃ©gion ouÃ¯ghoure de Chine est devenue lâombre dâelle-mÃªme, entre mosquÃ©es rasÃ©es, villages vidÃ©s et cimetiÃ¨res profanÃ©s. Kenbulun, Kirghizistan, le 12/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Uyghurs pray together in the mosque of the town of Kenbulun, where several members of their diaspora live. A practice that, across the mountains in Xinjiang, can lead straight to prison. The Uyghur region of China has become a shadow of itself, with demolished mosques, emptied villages, and desecrated cemeteries. Kenbulun, Kyrgyzstan, January 12, 2025. Photography by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/18</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-18.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Deux jeunes filles se prÃ©parent avant de rÃ©aliser une danse traditionnelle ouÃ¯ghoure, dans le centre culturel de la petite ville de Kenbulun, au nord du Kirghizistan. Lâune dâentre elles porte sur sa tÃªte un doppa, un chapeau traditionnel portÃ© par les OuÃ¯ghours. Kenbulun, Kirghizistan, le 12/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Two young girls prepare before performing a traditional Uyghur dance at the cultural center in the small town of Kenbulun, in northern Kyrgyzstan. One of them wears a doppa, a traditional hat worn by Uyghurs. Kenbulun, Kyrgyzstan, January 12, 2025. Photography by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/19</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-19.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Portrait de Alkyn, un ancien dzighit bechi Ã  Karakol, foyer historique de la diaspora ouÃ¯ghoure. Les dzighit bechi sont des chefs ouÃ¯ghours chargÃ©s de gÃ©rer les affaires courantes, des mariages aux funÃ©railles, et rÃ©gler les problÃ¨mes au sein de la communautÃ©. Une position qui tend Ã  disparaÃ®tre aujourdâhui, dÃ©laissÃ©e par les jeunes gÃ©nÃ©rations autant que par les nouveaux arrivants fuyant les camps du Xinjiang, trop soucieux de rencontrer un membre vÃ©reux Ã  la solde de la Chine. Karakol, Kirghizistan, le 16/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Portrait of Alkyn, a former dzighit bechi in Karakol, a historic hub of the Uyghur diaspora. Dzighit bechi are Uyghur leaders responsible for managing everyday affairs, from marriages to funerals, and resolving issues within the community. A role that is gradually disappearing today, abandoned by younger generations and new arrivals fleeing the Xinjiang camps, too worried about encountering a corrupt member working for China. Karakol, Kyrgyzstan, January 16, 2025. Photography by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/20</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-20.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Une rue dans la ville de Karakol, Ã  lâest du Kirghizistan, Ã  quelques kilomÃ¨tres de la Chine. SituÃ©e au creux des montagnes du Tian Shan, Karakol constitue lâun des foyers historiques de la diaspora ouÃ¯ghoure au Kirghizistan, et a notamment vu arriver ceux qui cherchaient Ã  Ã©chapper aux camps chinois. Certains empruntaient, avant que la frontiÃ¨re ne soit renforcÃ©e, les chemins des montagnes, au risque de leur vie. Karakol, Kirghizistan, le 16/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A street in the city of Karakol, in the east of Kyrgyzstan, a few kilometers from China. Nestled in the Tian Shan mountains, Karakol is one of the historical hubs of the Uyghur diaspora in Kyrgyzstan and was notably a refuge for those seeking to escape Chinese camps. Before the border was reinforced, some would take the mountain paths, risking their lives. Karakol, Kyrgyzstan, January 16, 2025. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/21</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-21.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Portrait de Alkyn (qui sort de chez lui), un ancien dzighit bechi Ã  Karakol, foyer historique de la diaspora ouÃ¯ghoure. Les dzighit bechi sont des chefs ouÃ¯ghours chargÃ©s de gÃ©rer les affaires courantes, des mariages aux funÃ©railles, et rÃ©gler les problÃ¨mes au sein de la communautÃ©. Une position qui tend Ã  disparaÃ®tre aujourdâhui, dÃ©laissÃ©e par les jeunes gÃ©nÃ©rations autant que par les nouveaux arrivants fuyant les camps du Xinjiang, trop soucieux de rencontrer un membre vÃ©reux Ã  la solde de la Chine. Karakol, Kirghizistan, le 16/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Portrait of Alkyn, a former dzighit bechi in Karakol, a historic hub of the Uyghur diaspora. Dzighit bechi are Uyghur leaders responsible for managing everyday affairs, from marriages to funerals, and resolving issues within the community. A role that is gradually disappearing today, abandoned by younger generations and new arrivals fleeing the Xinjiang camps, too worried about encountering a corrupt member working for China. Karakol, Kyrgyzstan, January 16, 2025. Photography by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/The-Kyrgyz-Trap/22</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/KirgizWebSite2025-22.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Au Kirghizistan, la persécution sans fin des Ouïghours ayant fui le Xinjiang et la Chine</image:title><image:caption>Un homme passe devant un immeuble en construction, dans le village de Lebedinovka, Ã  la pÃ©riphÃ©rie de la capitale kirghize Bichkek. Lebedinovka, Kirghizistan, le 24/01/2025. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.An man walks past a building under construction in the village of Lebedinovka, on the outskirts of the Kyrgyz capital Bishkek. Lebedinovka, Kyrgyzstan, January 24, 2025. Photography by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/1</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-1.jpg</image:loc><image:title></image:title><image:caption>Les leaders Fano de la zone nord du Wollo, dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, partent au combat dans les montagnes du Lasta, en Ethiopie. Tous, dont Braun (au centre), sont d&#039;anciens membres des forces spÃ©ciales rÃ©gionales. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 12/05/2025, montagnes du Lasta, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors FormatFano leaders from the North Wollo area, in Ethiopiaâs Amhara region, head to battle in the Lasta mountains. All of them, including Braun (center), are former members of the regional special forces. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâmade up of Amhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has escalated in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including many civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis.  The influence of the Fano âself-defenseâ militias extends further north into the fertile territories of Wolkait and Raya, areas incorporated into Tigray in the 1990s but long claimed by the Amhara. During their involvement in the Tigray war alongside federal forces, the Fano eventually reconquered these territories, where they have been accused of committing atrocities and carrying out âethnic cleansing.âMay 12, 2025, Lasta mountains, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/2</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/TEXTEFANO_SITEWEB.jpg</image:loc><image:title>TEXTEFANO_SITEWEB</image:title></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/3</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/TEXTEFANO_SITEWEB-2.jpg</image:loc><image:title>TEXTEFANO_SITEWEB-2</image:title></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/4</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-2.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Paysages dans les montagnes du Lasta, en rÃ©gion Amhara. Cette rÃ©gion couvre une vaste zone montagneuse et vallonnÃ©e, aux confins du TigrÃ© et du Soudan. Sa gÃ©ographie, typique des hautes terres Ã©thiopiennes, a offert une position stratÃ©gique aux premiers royaumes, faisant d&#039;elle le principal centre politique, Ã©conomique et religieux du pays pendant des siÃ¨cles. Ces montagnes furent aussi le berceau de la dynastie ZagouÃ©, dont les rois, notamment le roi Lalibela, ont marquÃ© l&#039;essor du christianisme orthodoxe, avant que l&#039;empereur amhara Tewodros II ne contribue Ã  l&#039;unification et Ã  la centralisation de l&#039;Ãthiopie au XIXe siÃ¨cle, permettant Ã  son ethnie de conserver une position dominante dans la politique nationale durant une grande partie du XXe siÃ¨cle. Les nationalistes amharas considÃ¨rent ainsi leur communautÃ© comme l&#039;incarnation de Â« l&#039;Ã©thiopianitÃ© Â» â un argument rÃ©guliÃ¨rement mis en avant par le mouvement armÃ© apparu dans la rÃ©gion. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 9/05/2025, montagnes du Lasta, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors FormatLandscapes in the Lasta mountains, in Ethiopiaâs Amhara region. This area spans a vast mountainous and hilly zone, bordering Tigray and Sudan. Its geography, typical of the Ethiopian highlands, offered a strategic position to the early kingdoms, making it the countryâs main political, economic, and religious center for centuries. These mountains were also the cradle of the Zagwe dynasty, whose kingsâespecially King Lalibelaâleft a lasting mark on the rise of Orthodox Christianity, before the Amhara emperor Tewodros II contributed to the unification and centralization of Ethiopia in the 19th century, allowing his ethnic group to maintain a dominant position in national politics for much of the 20th century. Amhara nationalists therefore see their community as the embodiment of âEthiopiannessââan argument frequently invoked by the armed movement that emerged in the region. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâmade up of Amhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has escalated in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including many civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 9, 2025, Lasta mountains, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/5</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-4.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Dans les montagnes du Lasta, une centaine de jeunes Amharas sâentraÃ®nent au combat dans lâun des camps dâentraÃ®nement des Fano du Nord Wollo, en rÃ©gion Amhara. Il y a encore quelques mois, beaucoup Ã©taient Ã©tudiants, fermiers ou ingÃ©nieurs, avant que lâintensification des combats ne plonge des pans entiers de la rÃ©gion dans la guerre, paralysant lâÃ©conomie locale et rÃ©duisant Ã  nÃ©ant leurs rÃªves dâadolescents. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 9/05/2025, nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors FormatIn the Lasta mountains, around a hundred young Amharas are training for combat in one of the Fano training camps in North Wollo, Amhara region. Just a few months ago, many of them were students, farmers, or engineers, before the intensifying fighting plunged large parts of the region into war, paralyzing the local economy and shattering their teenage dreams. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâmade up of Amhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has escalated in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including many civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 9, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/6</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-3.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Une centaine de jeunes Amharas sâentraÃ®nent au combat dans lâun des camps dâentraÃ®nement des Fano du Nord Wollo, en rÃ©gion Amhara. LâentraÃ®nement est rude : trois mois acharnÃ©s, entre chants nationalistes, maniement des armes et exercices physiques. Si la plupart des nouvelles recrues viennent des villages alentour, dâautres ont parcouru le pays depuis Addis-Abeba ou des zones plus reculÃ©es du sud, notamment des villages Ã  majoritÃ© amhara isolÃ©s au milieu dâautres ethnies â en particulier les Oromo, premiÃ¨re ethnie du pays et principal rival historique. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 8/05/2025, nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors FormatAround a hundred young Amharas are training for combat in one of the Fano training camps in North Wollo, Amhara region. The training is tough: three grueling months filled with nationalist songs, weapons handling, and physical exercises. While most new recruits come from nearby villages, others have traveled from across the countryâfrom Addis Ababa or more remote areas in the south, especially from predominantly Amhara villages isolated among other ethnic groupsâmost notably the Oromo, Ethiopiaâs largest ethnic group and the Amharas&#039; historic rival. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâmade up of Amhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has escalated in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including many civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 8, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/7</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-5.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Une centaine de jeunes Amharas sâentraÃ®nent au combat dans lâun des camps dâentraÃ®nement des Fano du Nord Wollo, en rÃ©gion Amhara. LâentraÃ®nement est rude : trois mois acharnÃ©s, entre chants nationalistes, maniement des armes et exercices physiques. Si la plupart des nouvelles recrues viennent des villages alentour, dâautres ont parcouru le pays depuis Addis-Abeba ou des zones plus reculÃ©es du sud, notamment des villages Ã  majoritÃ© amhara isolÃ©s au milieu dâautres ethnies â en particulier les Oromo, premiÃ¨re ethnie du pays et principal rival historique. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 8/05/2025, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors FormatAround a hundred young Amharas are training for combat in one of the Fano training camps in North Wollo, Amhara region. The training is harsh: three relentless months filled with nationalist songs, weapons handling, and physical exercises. While most new recruits come from surrounding villages, others have traveled from across the countryâfrom Addis Ababa or more remote areas in the south, especially from predominantly Amhara villages isolated among other ethnic groupsâmost notably the Oromo, Ethiopiaâs largest ethnic group and the Amharas&#039; historic rival. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâmade up of Amhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has escalated in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including many civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 8, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/8</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-6.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>De nombreuses femmes, comme Ayehy, 20 ans (Ã  droite), et Asefg, 19 ans (Ã  gauche), photographiÃ©es ici le 14 mai 2025 dans un camp du Nord Wollo, en rÃ©gion Amhara, ont dÃ©cidÃ© de rejoindre les Fano et sâentraÃ®nent aujourdâhui au combat. Â« Je viens dâun village Ã  un peu plus de 30 kilomÃ¨tres dâici. LÃ -bas, une de mes amies de 22 ans, Derbie, a Ã©tÃ© kidnappÃ©e, puis violÃ©e par les militaires, avant dâÃªtre jetÃ©e dans la rue Â», raconte Ayehy. Â« Ã ce moment-lÃ , jâai compris que jâÃ©tais obligÃ©e de me battre. Pas seulement pour me protÃ©ger, mais pour protÃ©ger les filles de ma rÃ©gion et dÃ©fendre mon peuple. Â» Depuis le renforcement des Fano et la gÃ©nÃ©ralisation de la guerre en Amhara, les forces de sÃ©curitÃ© Ã©thiopiennes dÃ©ployÃ©es par le gouvernement pour mater le mouvement multiplient les crimes Ã  lâencontre des civils. Ces exactions poussent une partie croissante de la jeunesse amhara dans les bras des Fano. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 14/05/2025, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Many women, like Ayehy, 20 years old (right), and Asefg, 19 years old (left), photographed here on May 14, 2025, in a camp in North Wollo, Amhara region, have decided to join the Fano and are now training for combat. âI come from a village just over 30 kilometers from here. There, one of my 22-year-old friends, Derbie, was kidnapped, then raped by soldiers before being thrown into the street,â Ayehy recounts. âAt that moment, I realized I had to fight. Not only to protect myself but to protect the girls in my region and defend my people.â Since the strengthening of the Fano and the escalation of the war in Amhara, Ethiopian security forces deployed by the government to suppress the movement have increasingly committed crimes against civilians. These abuses are pushing a growing number of Amhara youth into the arms of the Fano. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâcomposed of Amhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including many civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 14, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/9</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-7.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Des soldats Fano mangent et jouent aux dames dans un village sous leur contrÃ´le, dans les montagnes du Nord Wollo, en rÃ©gion Amhara. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 8/05/2025, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Fano soldiers eat and play checkers in a village under their control, in the mountains of North Wollo, in the Amhara region. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified across the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including among civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 8, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/10</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-8.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>De jeunes nouvelles recrues du mouvement Fano s&#039;apprÃªtent Ã  manger, aprÃ¨s une journÃ©e d&#039;entraÃ®nement militaire intense, dans les montagnes du Nord Wollo, en rÃ©gion Amhara. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des millier de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 8/05/2025, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Young new recruits of the Fano movement prepare to eat after a day of intense military training in the mountains of North Wollo, Amhara region. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including many civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 8, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/11</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-9.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>De jeunes nouvelles recrues du mouvement Fano traÃ®nent devant leur baraquement, aprÃ¨s une journÃ©e dâentraÃ®nement militaire intense, dans les montagnes du Nord Wollo, en rÃ©gion Amhara. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 10/05/2025, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Young new recruits of the Fano movement hang around outside their barracks after a day of intense military training in the mountains of North Wollo, Amhara region. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including many civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 10, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/12</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-10.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Des nouvelles recrues dorment entassÃ©es dans de petites maisons dâun village contrÃ´lÃ© par les Fano, dans la rÃ©gion Amhara. Une solidaritÃ© se crÃ©e tout au long de lâentraÃ®nement. Â« Câest comme une nouvelle famille, on prend soin les uns des autres Â», explique un jeune Amhara de 21 ans, qui raconte ne pas avoir tout de suite dit Ã  ses parents son intention de rejoindre le mouvement. Â« Puis il y a eu une attaque de drone non loin du village, alors je suis parti, et ils ont compris pourquoi. Â» Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 14/05/2025, nord wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.New recruits sleep crowded together in small houses in a village controlled by the Fano in the Amhara region. A strong sense of solidarity develops throughout the training. &quot;Itâs like a new family, we take care of each other,&quot; explains a 21-year-old Amhara youth who says he didnât immediately tell his parents about his intention to join the movement. &quot;Then there was a drone attack not far from the village, so I left, and they understood why.&quot; Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgency â Amhara nationalists â and the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 14, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/13</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-11.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Deux membres du mouvement nationaliste Fano regardent les montagnes de lâAmhara, dâoÃ¹ est originaire leur mouvement. Le terme Â« Fano Â» rÃ©utilise le nom dâun groupe armÃ© de volontaires qui, dans les annÃ©es 1930, avait lancÃ© une campagne victorieuse contre lâoccupation fasciste italienne de lâÃthiopie. Un combat contre lâoppression que ce groupe ethno-nationaliste entend aujourdâhui poursuivre, non plus contre des envahisseurs Ã©trangers, mais contre le gouvernement fÃ©dÃ©ral dâAbiy Ahmed. Menelik (Ã  gauche), ancien journaliste, a dÃ©cidÃ© de rejoindre les Fano, choquÃ© par les attaques que subissait, avant la guerre, son peuple dans les zones oÃ¹ sa communautÃ© Ã©tait minoritaire â dans lâindiffÃ©rence, voire avec la complicitÃ©, des autoritÃ©s. Le 11/05/2025, montagnes du Lasta, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors FormatTwo members of the Fano nationalist movement look out over the Amhara mountains, the birthplace of their movement. The term âFanoâ revives the name of a volunteer armed group that, in the 1930s, led a successful campaign against the fascist Italian occupation of Ethiopia. Today, this ethno-nationalist group sees its struggle against oppression as continuingânot against foreign invaders, but against the federal government of Abiy Ahmed. Menelik (left), a former journalist, decided to join the Fano after being shocked by the attacks his people had suffered, even before the war, in areas where his community was a minorityâattacks that, in his view, were met with indifference or even complicity from the authorities. May 11, 2025, Lasta mountains, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/14</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-12.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>En partant vers lâun des fronts, les soldats Fano du Nord Wollo traversent en voiture de nombreux villages sous leur contrÃ´le. Au total, les milices Fano affirment contrÃ´ler plus de 80 % de la rÃ©gion Amhara â principalement les zones rurales. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 11/05/2025, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.On their way to one of the fronts, Fano soldiers from North Wollo drive through numerous villages under their control. Overall, Fano militias claim to control more than 80% of the Amhara regionâprimarily the rural areas. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 11, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/15</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-13.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Des combattants Fano, Ã  lâarriÃ¨re dâune camionnette, se dirigent vers le front dans le Nord Wollo, le 11 mai 2025. Lâinsurrection des Fano se dÃ©roule sur un territoire trois fois plus vaste et plus montagneux que le TigrÃ©, mettant Ã  rude Ã©preuve lâarmÃ©e fÃ©dÃ©rale. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 10/05/2025, nord wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Fano fighters, riding in the back of a pickup truck, head toward the front lines in North Wollo on May 11, 2025. The Fano insurgency takes place over a territory three times larger and more mountainous than Tigray, putting the federal army under severe strain. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 10, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/16</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-14.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Des miliciens amharas traversent un cours dâeau dans les montagnes du Nord Wollo, en rÃ©gion Amhara, le 12 mai 2025. Tout au long du chemin, ils sont accueillis par les habitants des villages, dont ils sont souvent eux-mÃªmes issus. Lâinsurrection se dÃ©roule sur un territoire trois fois plus vaste et plus montagneux que le TigrÃ©, mettant Ã  rude Ã©preuve lâarmÃ©e fÃ©dÃ©rale. Au total, les milices Fano affirment contrÃ´ler plus de 80 % de la rÃ©gion Amhara, principalement les zones rurales. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 12/05/2025, nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Amhara militiamen cross a river in the mountains of North Wollo, in the Amhara region, on May 12, 2025. Along the way, they are welcomed by villagers, many of whom they themselves come from. The insurgency unfolds over a territory three times larger and more mountainous than Tigray, putting the federal army under great strain. Overall, the Fano militias claim to control more than 80% of the Amhara region, mainly rural areas. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 12, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/17</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-15.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Les points de contrÃ´le des Fano se succÃ¨dent le long des routes principales, comme ici, oÃ¹ des soldats Fano sont abritÃ©s sous un grand arbre, Ã  quelques kilomÃ¨tres de Kobo, ville aux mains du gouvernement, le 12 mai 2025, dans la rÃ©gion Amhara. Tous les dix kilomÃ¨tres environ, une poignÃ©e de jeunes, kalachnikov en bandouliÃ¨re, bloque et filtre les passages, parfois Ã  l&#039;aide d&#039;une simple corde tendue en travers de la route. Les populations locales passent, elles, d&#039;une zone d&#039;influence Ã  une autre Ã  longueur de journÃ©e. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 12/05/2025, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Fano checkpoints follow one another along the main roads, like here, where Fano fighters take shelter under a large tree, a few kilometers from Kobo, a government-held town, on May 12, 2025, in the Amhara region. Every ten kilometers or so, a handful of young men, Kalashnikovs slung over their shoulders, stop and screen traffic, sometimes using nothing more than a rope stretched across the road. Local populations move from one zone of influence to another throughout the day. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified across the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including among civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 12, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/18</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-16.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Les points de contrÃ´le des Fano se succÃ¨dent le long des routes principales, comme ici, Ã  seulement 6 kilomÃ¨tres de Lalibela, ville aux mains du gouvernement, le 11 mai 2025, dans la rÃ©gion Amhara. Tous les dix kilomÃ¨tres environ, une poignÃ©e de jeunes, kalachnikov en bandouliÃ¨re, bloque et filtre les passages, parfois Ã  l&#039;aide d&#039;une simple corde tendue en travers de la route. Les populations locales passent, elles, d&#039;une zone d&#039;influence Ã  une autre Ã  longueur de journÃ©e. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 8/05/2025, nord wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Fano checkpoints line the main roads, such as here, just 6 kilometers from Lalibela, a government-held town, on May 11, 2025, in the Amhara region. Approximately every ten kilometers, a handful of young men with Kalashnikovs slung over their shoulders block and filter traffic, sometimes using a simple rope stretched across the road. Local populations move from one area of influence to another throughout the day. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 8, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/19</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-17.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Une caravane de chameaux passe prÃ¨s de la ville de Kobo, dans une zone sous contrÃ´le des Fanos, dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, le 12 mai 2025. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 12/05/2025, front prÃ¨s de la ville de Kobo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.A camel caravan passes near the town of Kobo, in an area under the control of the Fanos, in the Amhara region, on May 12, 2025. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified across the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including among civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 12, 2025, frontline near the town of Kobo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/20</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-18.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Une petite cabane arborant une croix, sur les routes de la zone Nord Wollo, en territoire Fano, en rÃ©gion Amhara. Cette rÃ©gion couvre une vaste zone montagneuse et vallonnÃ©e, aux confins du TigrÃ© et du Soudan. Sa gÃ©ographie, typique des hautes terres Ã©thiopiennes, a offert une position stratÃ©gique aux premiers royaumes, faisant d&#039;elle le principal centre politique, Ã©conomique et religieux du pays pendant des siÃ¨cles. Ces montagnes furent aussi le berceau de la dynastie ZagouÃ©, dont les rois, notamment le roi Lalibela, ont marquÃ© l&#039;essor du christianisme orthodoxe, avant que l&#039;empereur amhara Tewodros II ne contribue Ã  l&#039;unification et Ã  la centralisation de l&#039;Ãthiopie au XIXe siÃ¨cle, permettant Ã  son ethnie de conserver une position dominante dans la politique nationale durant une grande partie du XXe siÃ¨cle. Les nationalistes amharas considÃ¨rent ainsi leur communautÃ© comme l&#039;incarnation de Â« l&#039;Ã©thiopianitÃ© Â» â un argument rÃ©guliÃ¨rement mis en avant par le mouvement armÃ© apparu dans la rÃ©gion. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 12/05/2025, montagnes du Lasta, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.A small hut bearing a cross, along the roads of the North Wollo area, in Fano-held territory in the Amhara region. This area spans a vast mountainous and hilly landscape, bordering Tigray and Sudan. Its geography, typical of the Ethiopian highlands, offered a strategic position to early kingdoms, making it the country&#039;s main political, economic, and religious center for centuries. These mountains were also the cradle of the Zagwe dynasty, whose kingsâmost notably King Lalibelaâmarked the rise of Orthodox Christianity, before the Amhara Emperor Tewodros II contributed to the unification and centralization of Ethiopia in the 19th century, allowing his ethnic group to maintain a dominant position in national politics for much of the 20th century. Amhara nationalists thus see their community as the embodiment of âEthiopiannessââan argument frequently used by the armed movement that emerged in the region. Since 2023, the war between the Fano armed insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 12, 2025, Lasta Mountains, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/21</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-19.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Des habitants sont rassemblÃ©s dans un important marchÃ© de la ville de Bilbala, dans le Nord Wollo, sous contrÃ´le de la milice Fano, en Ãthiopie. Si la vie suit son cours dans les villages amharas aux mains de l&#039;insurrection, la guerre a fragilisÃ© une Ã©conomie locale dÃ©jÃ  catastrophique, et les combats endeuillent rÃ©guliÃ¨rement les civils â qui soutiennent en majoritÃ© la rÃ©bellion. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 10/05/2025, Bilbala, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Residents gather at a busy market in the town of Bilbala, in North Wollo, under the control of the Fano militia, in Ethiopia. While life goes on in Amhara villages held by the insurgency, the war has weakened an already catastrophic local economy, and fighting regularly claims the lives of civiliansâwho largely support the rebellion. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 10, 2025, Bilbala, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/22</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-20.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Le soir, les combattants Fano qui ne passent pas la nuit au front se retrouvent dans les villes sous leur contrÃ´le pour parler politique, boire une biÃ¨re de sorgho ou jouer au billard, comme ici, dans la ville de Bilbala, dans le Nord Wollo. Les coupures dâÃ©lectricitÃ© sont courantes. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 9/05/2025, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.In the evening, Fano fighters who do not spend the night at the front gather in towns under their control to discuss politics, drink sorghum beer, or play billiards, as here in the town of Bilbala in North Wollo. Power outages are common. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, including many civilians, and plunging the area into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 9, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/23</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-21.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Un soldat Fano vise des positions prÃ¨s de la ville de Kobo, dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, le 12 mai 2025. Bien que les nationalistes amharas ne disposent pas dâartillerie lourde, se limitant Ã  des mortiers et des DShK (mitrailleuses lourdes soviÃ©tiques), ils peuvent nÃ©anmoins compter sur le soutien de leur influente diaspora. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 12/05/2025, front prÃ¨s de la ville de Kobo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.A Fano soldier aims positions near the town of Kobo, in the Amhara region, on May 12, 2025. Although the Amhara nationalists lack heavy artillery, being limited to mortars and DShK (Soviet heavy machine guns), they can still count on the support of their influential diaspora. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. The influence of the Fano âself-defenseâ militias extends further north into the fertile territories of Wolkait and Raya, areas incorporated into Tigray in the 1990s but long claimed by the Amhara. During their involvement in the Tigray war alongside federal forces, the Fano eventually reconquered these territories, where they have been accused of committing atrocities and carrying out âethnic cleansing.âMay 12, 2025, front near the town of Kobo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/24</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-22.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Les populations civiles paient le prix fort de cette guerre et se retrouvent souvent prises au milieu des combats. Gete Beyono, 23 ans (debout au centre, le 9 mai 2025, dans la ville de Bilbala, sous contrÃ´le des Fano), a vu un tir de mortier de lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne exploser Ã  cÃ´tÃ© dâelle alors quâelle traversait son champ, fin 2023. Son fils de 5 ans, quâelle tenait par la main, a Ã©tÃ© dÃ©chiquetÃ© par lâexplosion. Â« Seule ma fille, qui a survÃ©cu Ã  lâattaque, me donne encore une raison de vivre Â», confie la jeune femme, bouleversÃ©e. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 9/05/2025, Bilbala, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Civilians pay a heavy price in this war and often find themselves caught in the middle of the fighting. Gete Beyono, 23 years old (standing in the center on May 9, 2025, in the town of Bilbala, under Fano control), saw a mortar shell from the Ethiopian army explode near her while she was crossing her field in late 2023. Her 5-year-old son, whom she was holding by the hand, was torn apart by the blast. âOnly my daughter, who survived the attack, still gives me a reason to live,â the young woman confides, deeply shaken. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 9, 2025, Bilbala, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/25</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-23.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>De jeunes combattants Fano du Nord Wollo s&#039;apprÃªtent Ã  partir au combat, le 12 mai 2025. Les quatre principales divisions de commandement Fano, couvrant l&#039;ensemble de la rÃ©gion â de Gondar Ã  Gojjam, jusque dans les terres du nord rÃ©cemment conquises au TigrÃ© â ont rÃ©cemment annoncÃ© la crÃ©ation d&#039;une nouvelle structure politique commune : la Force nationale Amhara Fano (AFNF). Une maniÃ¨re d&#039;unir leurs forces autour de leur idÃ©ologie et d&#039;afficher une unitÃ© face au gouvernement, qui cherche Ã  les diviser. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 12/05/2025, nord wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Young Fano fighters from North Wollo prepare to go into battle on May 12, 2025. The four main Fano command divisions, covering the entire regionâfrom Gondar to Gojjam, extending into the recently conquered northern lands of Tigrayâhave recently announced the creation of a new joint political structure: the Amhara National Fano Force (ANFF). This move aims to unite their forces around their ideology and demonstrate unity against the government, which seeks to divide them. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 12, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/26</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-34.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>De jeunes combattants Fano du Nord Wollo sâapprÃªtent Ã  partir au combat, le 12 mai 2025. Les quatre principales divisions de commandement Fano, couvrant lâensemble de la rÃ©gion â de Gondar Ã  Gojjam, jusque dans les terres du nord rÃ©cemment conquises au TigrÃ© â ont rÃ©cemment annoncÃ© la crÃ©ation dâune nouvelle structure politique commune : la Force nationale Amhara Fano (AFNF). Une maniÃ¨re dâunir leurs forces autour de leur idÃ©ologie et dâafficher une unitÃ© face au gouvernement, qui cherche Ã  les diviser. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 12/05/2025, nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Young Fano fighters from North Wollo prepare to go into battle on May 12, 2025. The four main Fano command divisions, covering the entire regionâfrom Gondar to Gojjam, extending into the recently conquered northern lands of Tigrayâhave recently announced the creation of a new joint political structure: the Amhara National Fano Force (ANFF). This move aims to unite their forces around their ideology and demonstrate unity against the government, which seeks to divide them. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 12, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/27</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-24.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Un village traditionnel de la rÃ©gion Amhara, dans le Nord Wollo, sous contrÃ´le de la milice Fano, en Ãthiopie. Si la vie suit son cours dans les villages aux mains de lâinsurrection, la guerre a fragilisÃ© une Ã©conomie locale dÃ©jÃ  catastrophique, et les combats endeuillent rÃ©guliÃ¨rement les civils â qui soutiennent en majoritÃ© la rÃ©bellion. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 9/05/2025, village du Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.A traditional village in the Amhara region, in North Wollo, under the control of the Fano militia, in Ethiopia. While life goes on in the villages held by the insurgency, the war has weakened an already catastrophic local economy, and fighting regularly brings grief to civiliansâwho mostly support the rebellion. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 9, 2025, village in North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/28</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-25.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Un homme se tient dans la maison de sa mÃ¨re, une nonne de 83 ans, tuÃ©e par un drone de lâarmÃ©e fÃ©dÃ©rale qui sâest Ã©crasÃ©, le 4 dÃ©cembre 2024, sur le toit de sa chambre, dans la ville de Bilbala. Pour affaiblir lâinsurrection et punir les populations locales qui la soutiennent, les forces fÃ©dÃ©rales nâhÃ©sitent pas Ã  cibler directement les civils, notamment Ã  lâaide de drones meurtriers. Des attaques qualifiÃ©es de crimes de guerre par les Fano, qui les brandissent comme justification de leur lutte. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e fÃ©dÃ©rale, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 9/05/2025, Bilbala, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.A man stands inside his motherâs house, an 83-year-old nun killed by a federal army drone that crashed on the roof of her room on December 4, 2024, in the town of Bilbala. To weaken the insurgency and punish local populations who support it, federal forces do not hesitate to directly target civilians, notably using deadly drones. These attacks are denounced as war crimes by the Fano, who use them to justify their struggle. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgencyâAmhara nationalistsâand the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the federal army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 9, 2025, Bilbala, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/29</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-26.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Un soldat Fano, amputÃ© d&#039;une jambe lors des combats, est portÃ© par deux camarades dans un centre de soins clandestin sous contrÃ´le de la milice, dans le Nord Wollo. Le 10 mai 2025, une vingtaine de combattants, et presque autant de civils, attendent des soins sur des brancards, dans des piÃ¨ces Ã©touffantes. Seuls six professionnels de santÃ© couvrent un rayon de 300 kilomÃ¨tres dans cette zone. La pÃ©nurie de mÃ©dicaments, de matÃ©riel et de personnel rend les soins extrÃªmement prÃ©caires, alors que les blessÃ©s affluent chaque jour, victimes des affrontements. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 10/05/2025, centre de soin cachÃ© sous contrÃ´le Fano, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.A Fano soldier, amputated of a leg during combat, is carried by two comrades in a clandestine medical center under militia control in North Wollo. On May 10, 2025, about twenty fighters, and nearly as many civilians, wait for care on stretchers in cramped rooms. Only six healthcare professionals cover a radius of 300 kilometers in this area. The shortage of medicines, equipment, and personnel makes care extremely precarious, as the wounded arrive daily, victims of the clashes. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgency â Amhara nationalists â and the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 10, 2025, hidden medical center under Fano control, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/30</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-27.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Plusieurs familles amharas sont rassemblÃ©es, le 13 mai 2025, dans le village dâEjafat, sous contrÃ´le Fano, pour commÃ©morer la mort dâun homme, emportÃ© par une fiÃ¨vre fulgurante faute de soins disponibles. Pendant des heures, elles maudissent, dans de longues complaintes, ces combats qui ravagent la rÃ©gion. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, causant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et aggravant une crise humanitaire dÃ©jÃ  dramatique. Le 13/05/2025, village dâEjafat, nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Several Amhara families gather on May 13, 2025, in the village of Ejafat, under Fano control, to commemorate the death of a man taken by a sudden fever due to lack of available medical care. For hours, they curse in long laments the fighting that ravages the region. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgency â Amhara nationalists â and the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and worsening an already dire humanitarian crisis. May 13, 2025, village of Ejafat, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/31</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-28.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Le dimanche, jour de priÃ¨re, des centaines de villageois et de soldats Fano se confondent devant lâÃ©glise Yemrehanna Krestos, un lieu de culte important de lâÃglise Ã©thiopienne orthodoxe, aujourdâhui sous contrÃ´le des Fano dans la rÃ©gion Amhara. Un Ã  un, femmes, hommes et enfants se succÃ¨dent, ce 11 mai 2025, embrassent la porte du lieu saint et prient pour la victoire, la fin des combats et le retour de la paix dans la rÃ©gion Amhara. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, causant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et aggravant une crise humanitaire dÃ©jÃ  dramatique. Le 11/05/2025, village de Yemrehanna, nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.On Sunday, the day of prayer, hundreds of villagers and Fano soldiers gather in front of Yemrehanna Krestos Church, an important place of worship of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, now under Fano control in the Amhara region. One by one, women, men, and children come forward on May 11, 2025, to kiss the door of the holy site and pray for victory, the end of the fighting, and the return of peace in the Amhara region. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgency â Amhara nationalists â and the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and worsening an already dramatic humanitarian crisis.May 11, 2025, village of Yemrehanna, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/32</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-29.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Des civils font la queue pour recevoir leur ration lors dâune distribution alimentaire organisÃ©e par lâUSAID, dans un village sous contrÃ´le Fano, en rÃ©gion Amhara, le 10 mai 2025. Au total, plus de 2,3 millions de personnes dÃ©pendent de lâaide alimentaire pour survivre dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, qui compterait Ã©galement plus dâun demi-million de dÃ©placÃ©s internes. Une situation humanitaire qui ne cesse de se dÃ©tÃ©riorer, alors que lâÃthiopie est le pays le plus touchÃ© au monde par le retrait de lâaide amÃ©ricaine, et que lâAmhara constitue le premier point dâaccueil pour des milliers de rÃ©fugiÃ©s fuyant la guerre au Soudan voisin. Le spectre de la famine plane sur la rÃ©gion, selon plusieurs rapports. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant l&#039;insurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), l&#039;armÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble d&#039;intensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, faisant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et plongeant le territoire dans une grave crise humanitaire. Le 10/05/2025, Nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ethiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.Civilians queue to receive rations during a food distribution organized by USAID in a village under Fano control in the Amhara region on May 10, 2025. In total, more than 2.3 million people rely on food aid to survive in the Amhara region, which is also home to over half a million internally displaced persons. The humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate as Ethiopia is the country most affected worldwide by the withdrawal of American aid, and Amhara serves as the main reception point for thousands of refugees fleeing the war in neighboring Sudan. The specter of famine looms over the region, according to multiple reports. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgency â Amhara nationalists â and the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, notably among civilians, and plunging the territory into a severe humanitarian crisis. May 10, 2025, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/33</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-30.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Le dimanche, jour de priÃ¨re, des centaines de villageois et de soldats Fano se confondent devant lâÃ©glise Yemrehanna Krestos, un lieu de culte important de lâÃglise Ã©thiopienne orthodoxe, aujourdâhui sous contrÃ´le des Fano dans la rÃ©gion Amhara. Un Ã  un, femmes, hommes et enfants se succÃ¨dent, ce 11 mai 2025, embrassent la porte du lieu saint et prient pour la victoire, la fin des combats et le retour de la paix dans la rÃ©gion Amhara. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, causant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et aggravant une crise humanitaire dÃ©jÃ  dramatique. Le 11/05/2025, village de Yemrehanna, nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.On Sunday, the day of prayer, hundreds of villagers and Fano soldiers gather in front of Yemrehanna Krestos Church, an important place of worship of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, now under Fano control in the Amhara region. One by one, women, men, and children come forward on May 11, 2025, to kiss the door of the holy site and pray for victory, the end of fighting, and the return of peace to the Amhara region. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgency â Amhara nationalists â and the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, notably among civilians, and worsening an already dire humanitarian crisis. May 11, 2025, village of Yemrehanna, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/34</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-31.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Une mÃ¨re et ses deux enfants prient, le 11 mai 2025, dans lâÃ©glise de Yemrehanna Krestos, un lieu de culte important de lâÃglise Ã©thiopienne orthodoxe, aujourdâhui sous contrÃ´le des Fano dans la rÃ©gion Amhara. Un Ã  un, femmes, hommes et enfants se succÃ¨dent, ce 11 mai 2025, embrassent la porte du lieu saint et prient pour le retour de la paix dans la rÃ©gion Amhara. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, causant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et aggravant une crise humanitaire dÃ©jÃ  dramatique.Le 11/05/2025, village de Yemrehanna, nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.A mother and her two children pray on May 11, 2025, inside Yemrehanna Krestos Church, an important place of worship of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, now under Fano control in the Amhara region. One by one, women, men, and children come forward on May 11, 2025, to kiss the door of the holy site and pray the return of peace in the Amhara region. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgency â Amhara nationalists â and the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, especially among civilians, and worsening an already dramatic humanitarian crisis.May 11, 2025, village of Yemrehanna, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/35</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-33.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Un jeune soldat Fano traverse un champ au pied du village dâEjafat, dans le Nord Wollo, en rÃ©gion Amhara.Le 11/05/2025, village dâEjafat, nord Wollo, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.A young Fano soldier crosses a field at the foot of the village of Ejafat, in North Wollo, Amhara region.May 11, 2025, village of Ejafat, North Wollo, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Fano's-Kingdom/36</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/FanoK_Tutenges_SiteWeb-32.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Ethiopie - Dans la région Amhara, nord Wollo, avec les nationalistes Fano en guerre contre l’armée fédérale </image:title><image:caption>Un jeune Ã©lÃ¨ve et deux enseignantes devant une petite Ã©cole du village de Yemhera, dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, sous contrÃ´le Fano, le 8 mai 2025. Selon le bureau rÃ©gional de lâÃducation, plus de 3 600 Ã©coles ont fermÃ© leurs portes Ã  travers la rÃ©gion, et beaucoup ont Ã©tÃ© endommagÃ©es ou pillÃ©es, privant 4,5 millions dâenfants de scolaritÃ© en 2024. Depuis 2023, la guerre opposant lâinsurrection armÃ©e des Fano â des nationalistes amharas â aux Forces de dÃ©fense nationale Ã©thiopiennes (FDNE), lâarmÃ©e Ã©thiopienne, redouble dâintensitÃ© dans la rÃ©gion Amhara, causant des milliers de victimes, notamment parmi les civils, et aggravant une crise humanitaire dÃ©jÃ  dramatique.Le 08/05/2025, Yemhera, rÃ©gion Amhara, Ãthiopie. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.A young student and two teachers stand in front of a small school in the village of Yemhera, in the Amhara region under Fano control, on May 8, 2025. According to the regional Education office, more than 3,600 schools have closed across the region, with many damaged or looted, depriving 4.5 million children of schooling in 2024. Since 2023, the war between the armed Fano insurgency â Amhara nationalists â and the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), the Ethiopian army, has intensified in the Amhara region, causing thousands of casualties, notably among civilians, and worsening an already dire humanitarian crisis.May 8, 2025, Yemhera, Amhara region, Ethiopia. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format.</image:caption></image:image></url>
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<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/ZINE--%26sol;--PRINT/16</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/robin_tutenges_photogravure_Guillaume_Guilpart_-2.jpg</image:loc><image:title>robin_tutenges_photogravure_Guillaume_Guilpart_-2</image:title></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/1</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-1.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Birma2023-1</image:title><image:caption>De jeunes combattants anti-junte mangent dans un camp rebelle cachÃ© dans les montagnes de lâouest birman. La plupart Ã©taient Ã©tudiants, fermiers ou ingÃ©nieurs avant que le coup dâÃtat militaire de 2021 et la rÃ©pression sanglante des manifestations dÃ©nonÃ§ant ce putsch ne les poussent vers la lutte armÃ©e. Dans le maquis, ils tentent de recrÃ©er un quotidien, des amitiÃ©s, une vie parallÃ¨le, fragile, inventÃ©e au cÅur dâun conflit sans merci, qui a dÃ©jÃ  fait plus de 90 000 morts et dÃ©placÃ© 3,5 millions de personnes. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/2</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Texte_Chin_FR_2025.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Texte_Chin_FR_2025</image:title></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/3</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Les recrues de la cinquantiÃ¨me promotion de la Chin National Army (CNA), lâun des principaux groupes armÃ©s qui lutte contre la junte birmane, dÃ©filent en prÃ©paration de leur cÃ©rÃ©monie de fin de formation militaire, le 09 mars 2023, dans le camp Victoria, un camp rebelle cachÃ© dans lâÃtat Chin, en Birmanie.The recruits of the fiftieth promotion of the Chin National Army (CNA), one of the main armed groups fighting against the Myanmar junta, march in preparation for their military graduation ceremony on March 9, 2023, at Camp Victoria, a rebel camp hidden in Chin State, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/4</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-3.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>De nouvelles recrues fÃ©minines de la Chin National Army (CNA), lâun des principaux groupes armÃ©s qui lutte contre la junte birmane, se peignent le visage en noir pendant leur formation militaire, le 04 mars 2024, dans le Camp Victoria, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie. Cette formation, qui dure 3 mois, inclut aussi bien des hommes que des femmes, qui prennent une part active Ã  la rÃ©sistance armÃ©e. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.New female recruits of the Chin National Army (CNA), one of the main armed groups fighting against the Myanmar junta, paint their faces black during their military training on March 4, 2024, at Camp Victoria, Chin State, Myanmar. This training, which lasts 3 months, includes both men and women, who take an active part in the armed resistance. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/5</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-4.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Les derniÃ¨res nouvelles recrues de la Chin National Army (CNA), lâun des principaux groupes armÃ©s qui lutte contre la junte birmane, cÃ©lÃ¨brent la fin de leur formation militaire. AprÃ¨s 3 mois dâentraÃ®nement, ils sont prÃªts Ã  Ãªtre envoyÃ©s au front. Camp Victoria, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie, le 12 mars 2024. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.The latest recruits of the Chin National Army (CNA), one of the main armed groups fighting against the Myanmar junta, celebrate the end of their military training. After 3 months of training, they are ready to be sent to the frontlines. Camp Victoria, Chin State, Myanmar, March 12, 2024. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/6</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-5.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>De jeunes soldats membres de la Chin National Army (CNA), lâun des principaux groupes armÃ©s qui lutte contre la junte birmane, regardent leur portable dans une maison abandonnÃ©e de la ville de Chuncung, le 23 mars 2023, dans lâÃtat Chin, Birmanie. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Young soldiers, members of the Chin National Army (CNA), one of the main armed groups fighting against the Myanmar junta, look at their phones in an abandoned house in the town of Chuncung, on March 23, 2023, in Chin State, Myanmar. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/7</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-6.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Un jeune soldat de la Chin National Army (CNA), lâun des principaux groupes armÃ©s qui lutte contre la junte birmane, muni dâune arme anti-drone, se cache dans les buissons, alors quâun convoi militaire birman passe non loin. Pour rivaliser avec leur ennemi mieux armÃ©, la guÃ©rilla chin utilise sa connaissance du terrain pour tendre des embuscades. Laiva, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie, le 31 mars 2023. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A young soldier of the Chin National Army (CNA), one of the main anti-junta armed groups in Chin State, equipped with an anti-drone weapon, hides in the bushes as a Myanmar military convoy passes nearby. To compete with their better-armed enemy, the Chin guerrillas use their knowledge of the terrain to set ambushes. Laiva, Chin State, Myanmar, March 31, 2023. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/8</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-7.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Une Ã©glise dÃ©truite par lâarmÃ©e birmane, dans la ville chin de Thantlang, le 01 dÃ©cembre 2022, dans lâÃtat Chin, Birmanie. Avec lâarrivÃ©e au pouvoir de la junte, lâarmÃ©e birmane, qui jouit dâune totale immunitÃ©, multiplie les actions contre les minoritÃ©s religieuses. Viol, meurtres, tortures : elle redouble de brutalitÃ© pour parvenir Ã  ses fins. Des exactions commises en toute impunitÃ© qui nâont fait qu&#039;attiser la rÃ©bellion chin. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A church destroyed by the Myanmar military, in the Chin town of Thantlang, on December 1, 2022, in Chin State, Myanmar. With the junta&#039;s rise to power, the Myanmar military, which enjoys complete immunity, has increased its actions against religious minorities. Rape, murder, torture: they intensify their brutality to achieve their goals. These atrocities committed with complete impunity have only fueled the Chin rebellion. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/9</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-8.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Un combattant de la guÃ©rilla chin, lâun des principaux mouvements armÃ©s qui lutte contre la junte birmane, marche dans la ville de Thantlang, le 11 mars 2023, dans lâÃtat Chin, Birmanie. La ville, autrefois peuplÃ©e de quelques 15 000 habitants, est aujourdâhui en ruine et les combats entre groupes anti-junte et militaires sont quotidiens. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A fighter of the Chin guerrilla movement, one of the main armed groups fighting against the Myanmar junta, walks through the town of Thantlang, on March 11, 2023, in Chin State, Myanmar. The town, once home to around 15,000 inhabitants, is now in ruins, and the fighting between anti-junta groups and the military is daily. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/10</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-9.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Un jeune combattant anti-junte dâun groupe armÃ© de lâethnie Chin passe sous un trou dâobus dans une maison de la ville de Thantlang, autrefois peuplÃ©e de prÃ¨s de 15 000 habitants et aujourdâhui en ruine. Thantlang, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie, le 11 mars 2023. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A young anti-junta fighter from an armed Chin ethnic group passes under a shell hole in a house in the town of Thantlang, once home to nearly 15,000 inhabitants and now in ruins. Thantlang, Chin State, Myanmar, March 11, 2023. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/11</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-10.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Deux jeunes combattants anti-junte dâun groupe armÃ© ethnique chin entrent dans une maison rÃ©cemment rÃ©cupÃ©rÃ©e de lâarmÃ©e birmane dans les banlieues sud de Kalaymyo, une ville de la rÃ©gion de Sagaing, dans lâouest du Myanmar, le 7 mars 2024. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Two young anti-junta fighters from an armed Chin ethnic group enter a house recently reclaimed from the Myanmar military in the southern suburbs of Kalaymyo, a town in the Sagaing region of western Myanmar, on March 7, 2024. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/12</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-11.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Aung Son Lin, un jeune soldat de 23 ans de la Chin National Army (CNA), lâun des principaux groupes armÃ©s qui lutte contre la junte birmane, tire sur une position ennemie Ã  quelques mÃ¨tres. La famille du jeune homme est rÃ©fugiÃ©e en Inde, et il rÃªve de pouvoir les ramener tous au Chinland. Plus tard, il aimerait devenir pasteur. Birmanie, Thantlang, Ãtat Chin, 12 mars 2023. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Aung Son Lin, a 23-year-old soldier of the Chin National Army (CNA) from Paletwa, fires at an enemy position just a few meters away. His family is seeking refuge in India, and he dreams of bringing them all back to Chinland. Later, he hopes to become a pastor. Myanmar, Thantlang, Chin State, March 12, 2023. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/13</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-12.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Le grand hÃ´pital de Thantlang, dans lâÃtat Chin, en Birmanie, le 1er dÃ©cembre 2022. Aujourd&#039;hui abandonnÃ© Ã  cause des combats et encore rÃ©guliÃ¨rement bombardÃ©, il accueillait autrefois les malades de plusieurs districts de la rÃ©gion. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.The large hospital of Thantlang, in Chin State, Myanmar, on December 1, 2022. Now abandoned due to the fighting and still regularly bombed, it once served patients from several districts of the region. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/14</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-13.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Un combattant de la guÃ©rilla chin, lâun des principaux mouvements armÃ©s qui lutte contre la junte birmane, marche dans une Ã©cole dÃ©truite de la ville de Thantlang, le 13 mars 2024, dans lâÃtat Chin, Birmanie. La ville, autrefois peuplÃ©e de quelques 15 000 habitants, est aujourdâhui en ruine et les combats entre groupes anti-junte et militaires sont quotidiens. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A fighter of the Chin guerrilla movement, one of the main armed groups fighting against the Myanmar junta, walks through a destroyed school in the town of Thantlang, on March 13, 2024, in Chin State, Myanmar. The town, once home to around 15,000 inhabitants, is now in ruins, and the fighting between anti-junta groups and the military is daily. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/15</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-14.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>De jeunes membres de la guÃ©rilla chin, lâun des principaux mouvements armÃ©s qui lutte contre la junte birmane, se reposent sous des dessins gravÃ©s sur les murs de la ville, tantÃ´t par les rebelles, tantÃ´t par les militaires de la junte, montrant la fluctuation de la ligne de front. Thantlang, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie, le 1er dÃ©cembre 2022. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.Young members of the Chin guerrilla movement, one of the main armed groups fighting against the Myanmar junta, rest under drawings carved into the walls of the town, some by the rebels, others by the junta military, showing the fluctuation of the front line. Thantlang, Chin State, Myanmar, December 1, 2022. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/16</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-15.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Un jeune combattant anti-junte dâun groupe armÃ© de lâethnie Chin regarde un nuage de fumÃ©e aprÃ¨s le bombardement par un hÃ©licoptÃ¨re de combat de lâarmÃ©e birmane, suite Ã  une attaque dans la banlieue sud de la ville de Kalaymyo, dans la rÃ©gion de Sagaing, Ã  lâouest de la Birmanie. Le 9 mars 2024, Thantlang, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A young anti-junta fighter from an armed Chin ethnic group watches a cloud of smoke after an airstrike by a Myanmar military combat helicopter following an attack in the southern suburbs of Kalaymyo, in the Sagaing region of western Myanmar. March 9, 2024, Thantlang, Chin State, Myanmar. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/17</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-16.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>AgglutinÃ©s dans une piÃ¨ce du village pour cÃ©lÃ©brer un mariage, les habitants de Farrawn prient ensemble aprÃ¨s de rÃ©cents bombardements, implorant le retour de la paix dans la rÃ©gion. Depuis 2023, lâarmÃ©e birmane redouble dâefforts pour mater les rÃ©gions dissidentes. Le 10 mars 2023, Farrawn, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie.Gathered in a room of the village to celebrate a wedding, the people of Farrawn pray together after recent bombings, pleading for the return of peace in the region. Since 2023, the Myanmar military has intensified its efforts to subdue the dissident regions. March 10, 2023, Farrawn, Chin State, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/18</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-17.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Un toit trouÃ© par un obus larguÃ© par la junte militaire dans la ville de Thantlang. Lâautrefois prospeÌre ville Chin de plus de 10.000 habitants est quasiment entieÌrement deÌtruite. Au mois de septembre 2021, lâarmeÌe birmane tire aÌ lâaveugle et bombarde toute la ville, tuant au passage sept civils. Depuis, la ville de Thantlang a eÌteÌ incendieÌe des dizaines de fois et les combats y sont quotidiens. Le 14/03/2024 dans la ville de Thantlang, Etat Chin, Birmanie.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/19</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-19.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Une femme sâeffondre de douleur devant la tombe dâune des victimes de lâattaque de la junte dans le petit village de Khuafo. La veille, deux avions de chasse de la junte ont larguÃ© plusieurs bombes, faisant 9 victimes civiles, dont deux enfants (12 et 8 ans), une mÃ¨re et sa fille (50 et 15 ans), deux sÅurs (33 et 31 ans), un jeune homme (17 ans, qui a succombÃ© Ã  ses blessures), ainsi quâun couple (19 et 18 ans), laissant derriÃ¨re eux un jeune enfant en bas Ã¢ge. Khuafo, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie, le 31 mars 2023.A woman collapses in pain in front of the grave of one of the victims of the junta&#039;s attack in the small village of Khuafo. The day before, two junta fighter jets dropped several bombs, killing 9 civilians, including two children (12 and 8 years old), a mother and her daughter (50 and 15 years old), two sisters (33 and 31 years old), a young man (17 years old, who succumbed to his injuries), and a couple (19 and 18 years old), leaving behind a young child. Khuafo, Chin State, Myanmar, March 31, 2023.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/20</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-20.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Alors que les principaux hÃ´pitaux de la rÃ©gion sont dÃ©truits ou abandonnÃ©s suite aux combats entre guÃ©rilleros Chin et armÃ©e birmane, les habitants des villages de l&#039;Ãtat doivent faire des heures de voyage pour trouver une structure de soins encore debout, notamment ce petit hÃ´pital rebelle installÃ© dans le camp Victoria. Lal Thamawi, jeune fille de 13 ans qui ne se nourrit plus, traumatisÃ©e par les exactions de l&#039;armÃ©e birmane auxquelles elle a assistÃ© Ã  Thantlang, est ici prise en charge par un soldat et infirmier de la Chin National Army, le principal groupe armÃ© anti-junte de l&#039;ouest du pays. Camp Victoria, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie, le 15 mars 2023.As the region&#039;s main hospitals are destroyed or abandoned due to fighting between Chin guerrillas and the Burmese army, villagers must travel for hours to find a functioning medical facility, including this small rebel hospital set up in Camp Victoria. Lal Thamawi, a 13-year-old girl who no longer eats, traumatized by the atrocities of the Burmese army she witnessed in Thantlang, is being cared for here by a soldier and nurse from the Chin National Army, the main anti-junta armed group in the western part of the country. Camp Victoria, Chin State, Myanmar, March 15, 2023.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/21</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-21.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Le camp de dÃ©placÃ©s internes de Bungkhua, dans l&#039;Ãtat Chin, le 13 mars 2023, oÃ¹ prÃ¨s de 500 familles sont entassÃ©es, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie. En tout, 18,6 millions de personnes, soit un tiers de la population, ont besoin d&#039;aide humanitaire en Birmanie â contre un million de personnes avant le coup d&#039;Ãtat militaire de 2021. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.The Bungkhua internally displaced persons camp in Chin State, March 13, 2023, where nearly 500 families are crammed together, Chin State, Myanmar. In total, 18.6 million people, or one-third of the population, are in need of humanitarian aid in Myanmar â compared to one million people before the military coup in 2021. Photography by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/22</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-22.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Van Rosungi, Ã¢gÃ©e de 11 ans, a vu les bombes pleuvoir sur Hakha et sa maison brÃ»ler dans les flammes. Depuis un an, elle vit avec les quatre membres de sa famille dans cette cabane du camp de dÃ©placÃ©s internes de Bungkhua, dans l&#039;Ãtat Chin, en Birmanie, le 14 mars 2023.Van Rosungi, 11 years old, witnessed bombs falling on Hakha and her house burning in the flames. For the past year, she has been living with her four family members in this hut at the Bungkhua internally displaced persons camp in Chin State, Myanmar, on March 14, 2023.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Chinland/23</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birma2023-23.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Guerre au Myanmar, avec la résistance armée Chin qui combat la junte en Birmanie après le coup d&#039;État</image:title><image:caption>Un soldat dâun groupe armÃ© Chin, une minoritÃ© ethnique chrÃ©tienne de lâouest de la Birmanie, surveille la ville de Haimual, incendiÃ©e par la junte avant dâÃªtre libÃ©rÃ©e par la rÃ©sistance. Le 15 novembre 2022, Haimual, Ãtat Chin, Birmanie. Photographie de Robin Tutenges.A soldier from a Chin armed group, a Christian ethnic minority from western Myanmar, monitors the town of Haimual, which was set on fire by the junta and later liberated by the resistance. November 15, 2022, Haimual, Chin State, Myanmar. Photograph by Robin Tutenges.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/1</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-1.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Un jeune soldat de la rÃ©sistance se cache dans la vÃ©gÃ©tation tandis qu&#039;un drone de l&#039;armÃ©e birmane passe au-dessus. Les forces de la junte sont Ã  quelques mÃ¨tres et chaque camp tente des incursions Ã©clair. Souvent Ã  court de munitions â Â« Quand chaque soldat de l&#039;armÃ©e a 400 balles pour prendre une position, nous n&#039;en avons Ã  peine 150 Â», regrette un combattant â, les rebelles comptent sur leur connaissance du terrain et le soutien de la population. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 13 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. A young resistance fighter hides in the vegetation as a Burmese army drone flies overhead. Junta forces are only a few meters away, and both sides attempt rapid hit-and-run incursions. Often short of ammunition â âWhen each army soldier has 400 bullets to take a position, we barely have 150,â laments one fighter â the rebels rely on their knowledge of the terrain and the support of the local population. Since the coup d&#039;Etat of February 1, 2021, in which the Burmese junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar has been plunged into a deadly civil war, where multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 13, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, en Birmanie.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/2</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-2.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Des combattants des Forces de dÃ©fense du peuple, la rÃ©sistance locale, patrouillent prÃ¨s de la ville de Ta Kuu, sur la riviÃ¨re Tanintharyi, l&#039;un des principaux cours d&#039;eau du sud de la Birmanie. Les rebelles contrÃ´lent prÃ¨s de la moitiÃ© de la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, notamment ses zones rurales et plusieurs voies navigables. Les Forces de dÃ©fense du peuple de Tanintharyi sont pour la plupart rattachÃ©es au mouvement de rÃ©sistance souterrain orchestrÃ© Ã  l&#039;Ã©chelle du pays par le gouvernement d&#039;unitÃ© nationale (NUG), qui a pris les armes contre la junte Ã  la suite du coup d&#039;Etat de fÃ©vrier 2021. La junte conserve les principales villes de Tanintharyi, notamment Dawei, la capitale rÃ©gionale, et Myeik, oÃ¹ se jette cette riviÃ¨re et d&#039;ou sont issus la plupart des rÃ©sistants des environs. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, ou la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 15 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. Fighters from the Peopleâs Defense Forces (PDF), the local resistance, patrol near the town of Ta Kuu, along the Tanintharyi River, one of the main waterways in southern Myanmar. The rebels control nearly half of the Tanintharyi region, including rural areas and several navigable routes. The Tanintharyi Peopleâs Defense Forces are mostly linked to the underground resistance movement coordinated nationwide by the National Unity Government (NUG), which took up arms against the junta following the February 2021 coup d&#039;Etat. The junta retains control of Tanintharyiâs main cities, notably Dawei, the regional capital, and Myeik, where the river empties into the sea and from where most resistance fighters in the area originate. Since the February 1, 2021 coup d&#039;Etat, when Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, with multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 15, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/3</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-3.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Des soldats des Forces de dÃ©fense du peuple traÃ®nent et fument des cigares birmans devant une Ã©cole abandonnÃ©e, dans le district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. La rÃ©sistance est surtout composÃ©e de jeunes de 17 Ã  25 ans, d&#039;anciens ingÃ©nieurs, fermiers ou Ã©tudiants, qui ont connu les dÃ©buts de la dÃ©mocratie avant que le coup d&#039;Etat ne balaie leur avenir et leurs rÃªves de libertÃ©. Sur les murs environnants, des inscriptions peintes en rouge rappellent pourquoi ils ont quittÃ© l&#039;Ã©cole pour se battre : Â« Le sang des Ã©tudiants morts pendant les manifestations n&#039;est pas encore sec, et tu voudrais aller Ã  l&#039;Ã©cole ? Â», interpelle l&#039;une d&#039;elles. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 16 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. Soldiers of the Peopleâs Defense Forces linger and smoke Burmese cigars in front of an abandoned school, in Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region. The resistance is mainly made up of young people aged 17 to 25, former engineers, farmers, or students, who experienced the early days of democracy before the coup d&#039;Etat wiped out their future and their dreams of freedom. On the surrounding walls, red-painted slogans recall why they left school to fight: âThe blood of students killed during the protests is not yet dry, and you want to go to school?â, reads one of the messages. Since the February 1, 2021 coup d&#039;Etat, when Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, in which multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 16, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/4</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-4.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Myanmar, 2026: The Last Hospital and the Work of the Resistance Surgeons</image:title><image:caption>A young soldier from Battalion 27 of the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF), a pro-democracy armed group fighting the junta, scrolls on his phone while lying on his bed in front of a National League for Democracy (NLD) party flag â the party of Aung San Suu Kyi, which was dissolved by the junta after the coup â at a hidden camp in Kayah State, Myanmar, on January 28, 2026. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/5</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-5.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Des combattants dorment prÃ¨s des lignes de front dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, le 12 dÃ©cembre 2025. Certains jeunes n&#039;ont rejoint la rÃ©sistance que depuis moins de deux ans, aprÃ¨s avoir fui la conscription forcÃ©e. Â« Ils prennent la place de certains combattants de la guÃ©rilla fatiguÃ©s par cinq ans de guerre et de vie dans la jungle, partis tenter de vivre en ThaÃ¯lande Â», raconte un jeune soldat. La journÃ©e, ils reÃ§oivent des rations, du riz et de la viande, prÃ©parÃ©s par les habitants des villages alentours. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 12 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. Fighters sleep near the front lines in the Tanintharyi region, on December 12, 2025. Some young men joined the resistance less than two years ago, after fleeing forced conscription. âThey are replacing guerrilla fighters worn down by five years of war and life in the jungle, who have left to try to live in Thailand,â says a young soldier. During the day, they receive rations, rice, and meat prepared by residents of nearby villages. Since the February 1, 2021 coup d&#039;Etat, when Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, in which multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 12, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/6</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-6.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Des rÃ©sistants tirent Ã  coups de mortier vers des positions de l&#039;armÃ©e birmane dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Trois obus sont tirÃ©s Ã  la suite, avant que les jeunes guerriers ne courent se retrancher Ã  l&#039;abri, par peur d&#039;une salve d&#039;artillerie sur leur position dÃ©couverte. Dans leur coopÃ©ration entre diffÃ©rents groupes armÃ©s, des divisions apparaissent parfois, concernant le commandement notamment, mais aussi l&#039;entraÃ®nement jugÃ© insuffisant de certains soldats, en particulier les PDF. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 20 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. Resistance fighters fire mortar rounds toward Burmese army positions in the Tanintharyi region. Three shells are launched in quick succession before the young fighters rush to take cover, fearing retaliatory artillery fire on their exposed position. Within the cooperation between the various armed groups, divisions sometimes emerge, particularly over command structures, but also due to training deemed insufficient among some fighters, especially within the PDF. Since the coup d&#039;Etat of February 1, 2021, in which the Burmese junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar has been plunged into a deadly civil war, where multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, notably in the Tanintharyi region. December 20, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, en Birmanie.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/7</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-7.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Sur le front prÃ¨s de Theybu, plusieurs groupes rebelles hÃ©tÃ©roclites sont venus prÃªter main forte Ã  la rÃ©sistance locale, le 13 dÃ©cembre 2025. On retrouve, Ã  cÃ´tÃ© des Forces de DÃ©fense du Peuple et du KNU (bataillon musulman inclus), les Forces for Federal Democracy (FFD), avec ses jeunes issus de Yangon, l&#039;ArmÃ©e populaire de libÃ©ration (PLA), fondÃ©e sur l&#039;idÃ©ologie communiste, ou encore la Bamar People&#039;s Liberation Army (BPLA), reprÃ©sentant les Bamar, groupe ethnique bouddhiste et majoritaire du pays. Â« Ici, l&#039;union est notre seule option pour rÃ©sister Â», explique un jeune soldat. Certains groupes viennent de loin, coordonnant leurs opÃ©rations avec les forces locales pour affaiblir ensemble l&#039;armÃ©e. Un moyen de contenir l&#039;offensive de la junte Ã  un endroit, d&#039;acquÃ©rir de l&#039;expÃ©rience, de rÃ©cupÃ©rer des armes saisies et de bÃ©nÃ©ficier de logistique lorsque de nouveaux territoires passent sous le contrÃ´le de la rÃ©sistance. La prise de Mawdaung est en ce sens un point stratÃ©gique pour plusieurs groupes. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 13 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. On the front near Theybu, several heterogeneous rebel groups have come to reinforce the local resistance, on December 13, 2025. Alongside the Peopleâs Defense Forces and the KNU (including a Muslim battalion) are the Forces for Federal Democracy (FFD), made up largely of young fighters from Yangon, the Peopleâs Liberation Army (PLA), founded on communist ideology, and the Bamar Peopleâs Liberation Army (BPLA), representing the Bamar, the countryâs Buddhist and majority ethnic group. âHere, unity is our only option to resist,â explains a young soldier. Some groups have traveled from far away, coordinating their operations with local forces to jointly weaken the army. This cooperation helps contain the juntaâs offensive in one area, gain combat experience, seize weapons, and benefit from logistics as new territories fall under resistance control. The capture of Mawdaung is, in this regard, a strategic objective for several groups. Since the coup d&#039;Etat of February 1, 2021, in which Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, where multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 13, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, en Birmanie.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/8</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-8.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Un jeune soldat se cache dans une tranchÃ©e sur la ligne de front dans la jungle, prÃ¨s du village de Theybu, dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, le 12 dÃ©cembre 2025. Une voix dans son talkie-walkie annonce une attaque aÃ©rienne, le ciel gronde : un avion de chasse de la junte s&#039;apprÃªte Ã  frapper l&#039;Ã©paisse forÃªt. Â« DÃ¨s qu&#039;on lance une offensive et qu&#039;on prend le dessus, les militaires appellent l&#039;aviation, et nous sommes forcÃ©s de revenir Ã  nos positions. Â» Fournis par la Chine et la Russie, les avions birmans offrent un avantage dÃ©cisif dans les combats, contre lequel les rebelles ne peuvent lutter. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 12 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. A young soldier hides in a trench on the jungle front line near the village of Theybu, in the Tanintharyi region, on December 12, 2025. A voice crackles over his walkie-talkie announcing an airstrike; the sky rumbles as a junta fighter jet prepares to hit the dense forest. âAs soon as we launch an offensive and gain the upper hand, the military calls in the air force, and we are forced back to our positions,â he says. Supplied by China and Russia, Myanmarâs aircraft provide a decisive advantage in combat that the rebels are unable to counter. Since the coup d&#039;Etat of February 1, 2021, in which the Burmese junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar has been plunged into a deadly civil war, where multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 12, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, en Birmanie.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/9</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-9.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Myanmar, 2026: The Last Hospital and the Work of the Resistance Surgeons</image:title><image:caption>A resistance soldier, wounded during fighting in the forest near Hpasawng, where Burmese junta forces are attempting to break through, is carried by rescue workers from the Free Burma Rangers (FBR). Kayah State, Myanmar, on January 22, 2026. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/10</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-10.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Des membres de la rÃ©sistance portent le cercueil de lâun de leurs camarades, surnommÃ© Thougt Thougt, mort sur le front de Tanintharyi Ã  lâÃ¢ge de 22 ans. Il sera enterrÃ© un peu plus loin, au milieu des broussailles, aprÃ¨s une courte cÃ©rÃ©monie au cours de laquelle lâun de ses amis dÃ©posera un cigare allumÃ© sur sa tombe, Ã  cÃ´tÃ© de quelques fleurs. Trois autres jeunes soldats sont morts le mÃªme jour, et plusieurs petits cimetiÃ¨res improvisÃ©s Ã©mergent des bosquets. Au total, la guerre a fait plus de 90 000 morts. Depuis le coup dâÃtat du 1er fÃ©vrier 2021, au cours duquel la junte birmane a renversÃ© le gouvernement civil dâAung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ©e dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, oÃ¹ de multiples groupes armÃ©s ethniques et prodÃ©mocratiques combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 10 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. Members of the resistance carry the coffin of one of their comrades, known as Thougt Thougt, who was killed on the Tanintharyi front at the age of 22. He will be buried a short distance away, amid the brush, after a brief ceremony during which one of his friends will place a lit cigar on his grave, alongside a few flowers. Three other young fighters died the same day, and several small improvised cemeteries are emerging from the thickets. In total, the war has claimed more than 90,000 lives. Since the coup dâÃtat of February 1, 2021, in which the Burmese junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar has been plunged into a deadly civil war, with multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 10, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/11</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-12.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Myanmar, 2026: The Last Hospital and the Work of the Resistance Surgeons</image:title><image:caption>Young members of the Free Burma Rangers (FBR), a Christian humanitarian organization operating Myanmar, in areas under the control of the resistance to the junta, prepare a meal while hiding in the jungle of Kayah State, in Myanmar, on January 21, 2026. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/12</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-11.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Myanmar, 2026: The Last Hospital and the Work of the Resistance Surgeons</image:title><image:caption>Young members of the Free Burma Rangers (FBR), a Christian humanitarian organization operating in Myanmar, in areas under the control of the resistance to the junta, pray together while hiding in the jungle of Kayah State, in Myanmar, on January 31, 2026. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/13</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-25.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Des combattants du KNU, l&#039;Union nationale karen, l&#039;un des principaux groupes armÃ©s ethniques anti-junte de Birmanie, se prÃ©lassent dans un camp de la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, le 11 dÃ©cembre 2025. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 11 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. Fighters from the KNU, the Karen National Union, one of the main Myanmarâs anti-junta ethnic armed group, relax in a camp in the Tanintharyi region, on December 11, 2025. Since the February 1, 2021 coup d&#039;Etat, when Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, in which multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 11, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/14</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-13.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>AG a 18 ans. Il en avait 15 lorsqu&#039;il a dÃ©cidÃ© de fuir sa maison familiale Ã  Myeik, Ã  moins d&#039;une centaine de kilomÃ¨tres, pour rejoindre le maquis et les Forces de dÃ©fense du peuple. Â« J&#039;ai fait le choix de combattre pour pouvoir influencer le destin de mon pays, le faire pencher vers la dÃ©mocratie au lieu de sombrer dans une dictature qui ne se nourrit que de violence. C&#039;est aux jeunes de se sacrifier : eux seuls peuvent changer le cours de l&#039;histoire. Â» Son rÃªve est que la guÃ©rilla s&#039;empare de sa ville natale, de retrouver sa famille victorieux et de contribuer Ã  reconstruire le pays. Trois annÃ©es de guerre et de deuil l&#039;ont dÃ©jÃ  profondÃ©ment transformÃ©, admet-il. L&#039;un de ses proches amis est encore mort au combat quelques semaines plus tÃ´t. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 16 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. AG is 18 years old. He was 15 when he decided to flee his family home in Myeik, less than a hundred kilometers away, to join the jungle resistance and the Peopleâs Defense Forces. âI chose to fight so I could influence the destiny of my country, push it toward democracy instead of letting it sink into a dictatorship that feeds only on violence. It is up to the youth to make sacrifices: only they can change the course of history.â His dream is for the guerrilla to seize his hometown, to reunite with his family as a victor, and to help rebuild the country. One of his close friends was killed in combat just a few weeks earlier. Since the February 1, 2021 coup d&#039;Etat, when Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, in which multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 16, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/15</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-14.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Myanmar, 2026: The Last Hospital and the Work of the Resistance Surgeons</image:title><image:caption>Young soldiers of Battalion 27 of the Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF), a pro-democracy armed group fighting the junta, perform physical exercises during morning training as the sun rises over the plains in Kayah State, Myanmar. Most were students, farmers, or engineers and left everything to join the armed struggle after the juntaâs 2021 coup. Kayah State, Myanmar, on January 28, 2026. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/16</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-15.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Des soldats de l&#039;Union nationale Karen (KNU) inspectent les dÃ©combres d&#039;un monastÃ¨re bouddhiste dÃ©truit par un bombardement de la junte, dans le district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie, le 7 dÃ©cembre 2025. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 7 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. Soldiers from the Karen National Union (KNU) inspect the ruins of a Buddhist monastery destroyed by a junta airstrike, in Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, en Birmanie, on December 7, 2025. Since the coup d&#039;Etat of February 1, 2021, when the Burmese junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar has been plunged into a deadly civil war, where multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, notably in the Tanintharyi region. December 7, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, en Birmanie.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/17</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-16.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Myanmar, 2026: The Last Hospital and the Work of the Resistance Surgeons</image:title><image:caption>Surgeons Thomas Avery and David Nott, along with anesthetist Ian Nesbitt, operate with local doctors on a man severely injured in the head after a car went off the road, in Kayah State, Myanmar, on January 26, 2026. The operation lasted eight hours. The young local doctors, who are also the students participating in the war surgery training course held at Luke Hospital, assist with or film the operation. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/18</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-21.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Un soldat rebelle, Ã  l&#039;arriÃ¨re d&#039;un pick-up, roule en direction des lignes de front prÃ¨s de Theybu, dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, le 11 dÃ©cembre 2025. De nombreux combattants sont Ã©quipÃ©s d&#039;armes rÃ©cupÃ©rÃ©es lors de prÃ©cÃ©dents raids. La guÃ©rilla locale, qui se finance notamment grÃ¢ce aux mines d&#039;Ã©tain et de plomb de la rÃ©gion, peine Ã  se procurer des fusils en nombre suffisant. Le gouvernement d&#039;unitÃ© nationale (NUG), censÃ© soutenir matÃ©riellement les Forces de DÃ©fense du Peuple, peine Ã  rÃ©pondre Ã  des besoins en constante augmentation. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 11 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. A rebel soldier rides in the back of a pickup truck heading toward the front lines near Theybu, in the Tanintharyi region, on December 11, 2025. Many fighters are armed with weapons seized during previous raids. The local guerrilla force, which partly finances itself through the regionâs tin and lead mines, struggles to acquire enough rifles. The National Unity Government (NUG), supposed to provide material support to the Peopleâs Defense Forces, is having difficulty meeting the rapidly growing needs. Since the February 1, 2021 coup d&#039;Etat, when Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, with multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 11, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/19</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-19.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>De jeunes rebelles musulmans prient dans une mosquÃ©e, dans les montagnes de Tanintharyi, le 12 dÃ©cembre 2025. Ils font partie de la Â« Compagnie musulmane Â», forte de 130 soldats, rattachÃ©e Ã  la 4áµ brigade de l&#039;Union nationale karen (KNU), groupe armÃ© anti-junte de l&#039;ethnie karen qui contrÃ´le une importante partie de la rÃ©gion. Un dÃ©tachement rare dans un pays oÃ¹ la rÃ©sistance est majoritairement chrÃ©tienne et bouddhiste. Â« Nous nous battons contre la junte et pour toutes les religions Â», explique Thi Ha, l&#039;un d&#039;eux. Contrairement Ã  certaines rÃ©gions de Birmanie, structurÃ©es sur des bases ethniques, la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi n&#039;est dominÃ©e par aucun groupe ou communautÃ©. Karens, Mons, sous-ethnies bamar, musulmans descendants de commerÃ§ants arabes, Malais birmans : ici, tous sont visÃ©s par les atrocitÃ©s de la junte, sans distinction. Ces groupes autrefois marginalisÃ©s se retrouvent intÃ©grÃ©s Ã  la rÃ©volution, avec les dÃ©fis qu&#039;implique une direction multiethnique. Â« C&#039;est difficile de pratiquer sa religion sur le front. On essaie au maximum de lire les textes religieux. Â» Les commandants, qui ne sont pas toujours musulmans, doivent composer avec ces diffÃ©rences et tentent, par exemple, de laisser les soldats musulmans au repos le vendredi. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 12 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. Robin Tutenges / Hors FormatYoung Muslim rebels pray inside a mosque in the mountains of Tanintharyi, on December 12, 2025. They are part of the âMuslim Company,â a unit of 130 fighters attached to the 4th Brigade of the Karen National Union (KNU), an anti-junta armed group from the Karen ethnic group that controls a significant part of the region. A rare detachment in a country where the resistance is predominantly Christian and Buddhist. âWe fight against the junta and for all religions,â explains Thi Ha, one of them. Unlike some regions of Myanmar structured along ethnic lines, the Tanintharyi region is not dominated by any single group or community. Karens, Mons, Bamar sub-ethnic groups, Muslims descended from Arab traders, and Burmese Malays: here, all are targeted by the juntaâs atrocities without distinction. These once-marginalized groups are now integrated into the revolution, along with the challenges posed by multiethnic leadership. âItâs difficult to practice your religion on the front line. We try as much as possible to read religious texts.â Commanders, who are not always Muslim, must adapt to these differences and try, for example, to allow Muslim soldiers to rest on Fridays. Since the February 1, 2021 coup d&#039;Etat, when Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, in which multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 12, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/20</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-22.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Un chien surveille une quarantaine de soldats de la junte, entassÃ©s derriÃ¨re les barreaux d&#039;une prison de la ville de Mawdaung, dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. CapturÃ©e en novembre par les forces du KNU, la ville occupe une position stratÃ©gique Ã  la frontiÃ¨re thaÃ¯landaise. Elle est tombÃ©e aux mains de la rÃ©sistance aprÃ¨s plusieurs jours de combats, sous les raids aÃ©riens de la Tatmadaw. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 8 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. A dog watches over around forty junta soldiers crammed behind the bars of a prison in the town of Mawdaung, in the Tanintharyi region. Captured in November by KNU forces, the town holds a strategic position along the Thai border. It fell into the hands of the resistance after several days of fighting, under heavy air raids by the Tatmadaw. Since the February 1, 2021 coup d&#039;Etat, when Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, in which multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 8, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/21</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-23.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>La journÃ©e, soldats et villageois partagent souvent le quotidien et se baignent dans les riviÃ¨res, comme ici avec un jeune Ã©lÃ©phant. Les rebelles vivent principalement dans des camps excentrÃ©s, Ã  l&#039;abri des frappes aÃ©riennes, cachÃ©s dans la jungle. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 8 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. During the day, soldiers and villagers often share daily life and bathe in the rivers, as seen here with a young elephant. Here is some IDP villagers. The rebels mainly live in remote camps, sheltered from airstrikes and hidden deep in the jungle. Since the February 1, 2021 coup d&#039;Etat, when Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, in which multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 8, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/22</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-24.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Le 19 dÃ©cembre 2025, des membres de l&#039;ethnie Karen cÃ©lÃ¨brent leur Nouvel An dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Danses traditionnelles, chants et festivitÃ©s : une centaine d&#039;habitants fÃªtent l&#039;entrÃ©e dans l&#039;annÃ©e 2765 de leur calendrier. Sur les cÃ´tÃ©s, des soldats de la rÃ©sistance, issus de la communautÃ©, sont venus protÃ©ger la cÃ©rÃ©monie. Ce genre d&#039;Ã©vÃ©nement, qui rassemble les foules, est une cible frÃ©quente des attaques aÃ©riennes. Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 19 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. On December 19, 2025, members of the Karen ethnic group celebrate their New Year in the Tanintharyi region. Traditional dances, songs, and festivities mark the occasion as around a hundred residents welcome the year 2765 according to their calendar. On the sidelines, resistance fighters from the community stand guard to protect the ceremony. Such public gatherings are frequent targets of airstrikes. Since the coup d&#039;Etat of February 1, 2021, when the Burmese junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar has been plunged into a deadly civil war, in which multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups are fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 19, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/23</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-18.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Des enfants Ã©tudient dans une petite Ã©cole cachÃ©e dans un village de la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, dans le district de Myeik, le 15 dÃ©cembre 2025. Les Ã©coles sont rÃ©guliÃ¨rement bombardÃ©es par les avions de la junte. Depuis le coup dâÃtat du 1er fÃ©vrier 2021, au cours duquel la junte birmane a renversÃ© le gouvernement civil dâAung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ©e dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, oÃ¹ de multiples groupes armÃ©s ethniques et prodÃ©mocratiques combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 15 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. Robin Tutenges / Hors FormatChildren study in a small school in a village in the Tanintharyi region, Myeik District, on December 15, 2025. Schools are regularly bombed by junta aircraft. Since the coup dâÃ©tat of February 1, 2021, during which the Burmese junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar has been plunged into a deadly civil war, with multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 15, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar. Robin Tutenges / Hors Format</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/24</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-26.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Des amis Ã©tudiants, dÃ©placÃ©s par les combats dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, sont allongÃ©s sur des noix de bÃ©tel, le 9 dÃ©cembre 2025. Mi Bway Doh (Ã  droite), 17 ans, se rÃªve batteur dans un cÃ©lÃ¨bre groupe de musique, un rÃªve brisÃ© par la guerre. Â« Notre vie est comme suspendue. Pour un an ? Deux ans, ou trois ans encore ? Personne ne le sait. Parfois, je ressens une grande fatigue mentale Ã  grandir dans un pays qui se dÃ©chire, oÃ¹ les jeunes sont sacrifiÃ©s, qu&#039;ils combattent ou non. Â» Depuis le coup d&#039;Etat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renverser le gouvernement civil d&#039;Aung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ© dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, ou de multiples groupes armÃ©e ethnique et prodÃ©mocratique combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 9 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. Student friends displaced by the fighting in the Tanintharyi region lie on piles of betel nuts, on December 9, 2025. Mi Bway Doh (right), 17, dreams of becoming a drummer in a famous band, a dream shattered by the war. âOur lives feel like theyâre on hold. For one year? Two years, or three more? No one knows. Sometimes I feel an overwhelming mental exhaustion growing up in a country tearing itself apart, where young people are sacrificed, whether they fight or not.â Since the coup dâÃ©tat of February 1, 2021, when the Burmese junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar has been plunged into a deadly civil war, with multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 9, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url>
<url><loc>https://robintutenges.com/STORIES/Myanmar’s-five-year-resistance/25</loc><image:image><image:loc>https://robintutenges.com/pf-media/Birmanie_RT_all_rights_reserved_WebSite-27.jpg</image:loc><image:title>Inside Myanmar’s Armed Resistance: Tanintharyi Region, December 2025</image:title><image:caption>Un habitant traverse une Ã©paisse forÃªt tropicale de Tanintharyi, la rÃ©gion la plus au sud de la Birmanie, en suivant une route qui le mÃ¨ne jusquâaux montagnes sÃ©parant ces terres de la ThaÃ¯lande. La rÃ©gion, dâune superficie comparable Ã  celle de la Suisse, sâÃ©tend sur une bande Ã©troite, coincÃ©e entre la mer dâAndaman Ã  lâouest et la frontiÃ¨re thaÃ¯landaise Ã  lâest. Elle abrite lâune des biodiversitÃ©s les plus riches dâAsie du Sud-Est, entre mer et montagnes. Depuis le coup dâEtat du 1er FÃ©vrier 2021, oÃ¹ la junte birmane a renversÃ© le gouvernement civil dâAung San Suu Kyi, la Birmanie est plongÃ©e dans une guerre civile meurtriÃ¨re, oÃ¹ de multiples groupes armÃ©s ethniques et prodÃ©mocratiques combattent les militaires, notamment dans la rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi. Le 18 dÃ©cembre 2025, district de Myeik, rÃ©gion de Tanintharyi, en Birmanie. A resident walks through a dense tropical forest in Tanintharyi, the southernmost region of Myanmar, following a road leading toward the mountains that separate these lands from Thailand. Comparable in size to Switzerland, the region stretches along a narrow strip wedged between the Andaman Sea to the west and the Thai border to the east. It is home to one of Southeast Asiaâs richest biodiversities, spanning sea and mountains. Since the coup dâEtat of February 1, 2021, when Myanmarâs military junta overthrew the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, the country has been plunged into a deadly civil war, with multiple ethnic and pro-democracy armed groups fighting the military, particularly in the Tanintharyi region. December 18, 2025, Myeik District, Tanintharyi Region, Myanmar.</image:caption></image:image></url></urlset>
